Return to Pisaflores: 43 years later

RETOUR A PISAFLORES 20-21 NOVEMBRE 2008-11-23
Denis LaRose
Croyant que le voyage serait de 4 heures, je suis parti vers 8H30 le vendredi 20 novembre 2008 avec Dave H, un géologue américain en visite à San Miguel de Allende depuis deux mois, dans ma Volkswagon coccinelle 1995.
Nous voguons sans problème vers Quérétaro, que nous évitons grâce à l’autoroute, et allons direction sud passé SAN JUAN DEL RIO, puis nous quittons l’autoroute en direction est sur la route nationale 45 (une fois dans Hidalgo) et ensuite vers la 85.
Après avoir vu le superbe fleuve Moctezuma entouré de cacti variés, de la hauteur d’un superbe pont nous continuons notre chemin. Soudainement le paysage change totalement…. Il y a plein de nuages, de la pluie, du brouillard, et d’immenses montagnes le long desquelles serpentent la route 85 …inlassablement pendant des kilomètres et pendant au moins 3 heures.
Nous arrivons à l’embranchement de la route pour Pisaflores vers 16h30 ….et à tout hasard nous demandons avant de descendre les 18 kilomètres (de 1500 mètres à 250 mètres) vers Pisaflores s’il y avait un hôtel à Pisaflores…. OUI… alors malgré la pluie et l’heure tardive nous descendons sur un chemin pavé vers le village où nous trouvons effectivement un petit hôtel et nous prenons chacun une chambre pour $15 chacune.. un lit une douche ça suffit… Il pleut encore….
La ville a beaucoup grandit depuis 1965 quand j’y suis allé, et quand nous avons ouvert la route vers Pisaflores. En 1969 ils ont construit un imposant pont sur le fleuve Moctezuma et depuis l’électricité, le téléphone ont atteint la petite ville qui compte plusieurs pharmacies, plusieurs médecins (dont un comme maire), plusieurs camions de police (au moins trois), et plusieurs politiciens. Quand j’y suis allé il n’y avait qu’un médecin qui faisait son stage obligatoire avant de pouvoir pratiquer, aucune pharmacie et à peine un magasin général.
Il semble que l’économie soit surtout centrée sur la culture du café (et du maïs). Il y a toujours l’école primaire publique, une école secondaire, mais l’école catholique a été abandonnée (j’avais enseigné une deuxième année….puisqu’ils n’avaient aucun professeur)…. Ils ont construit une très belle et grande église catholique.
Nous avons bien dormi, mais à 6 heures du matin j’étais debout pour prendre des photos… il ne pleuvait plus. J’ai aussi acheté beaucoup de café local.
Puis à 10 heures nous étions sur le chemin du retour. A mi-chemin nous avons pris une route tout à fait différente pour nous rendre à Quérétaro…. Que de paysages et montagnes superbes nous avons pu voir une fois sortis des forêts pluvieuses et montagneuses. Nous avons vu un lac immense créé par un barrage gigantesque et traversé trois très longs tunnels à travers les montagnes…
Nous sommes arrivés à 18h30 à San Miguel. Nous avons été à une réunion aa et j’ai apporté avec moi mon sac à dos contenant mes caméras etc…. Une fois rendu chez moi vers 21 h je me suis rendu compte que je n’avais pas mon sac à dos… j’ai pensé l’avoir oublié au local de la réunion aa… aucun signe du sac dans le local… le lendemain je fais toutes sortes d’investigations, pour apprendre que le sac se trouvait, ouvert, devant le local des aa… Un couple l’a vu et devait le prendre… mais comme j’ai appris ce soir… ils l’ont laissé sur la rue ne sachant pas à qui il pouvait appartenir….
Donc je mets une annonce à la radio locale pour essayer de localiser le sac (récompense de $200)….. j’ai aussi appelé mon assurance maison et fait une réclamation… il semble que soit couvert moins $500…. Je pense avoir perdu une valeur de $4000 et surtout mes très belles photos…
Triste conclusion de voyage… mais je garde en moi les souvenir et ce fut très satisfaisant de voir ce village si perdu et lointain qui a marqué ma vie.
Denis LaRose le 23 novembre 2008

A RETURN TO PISAFLORES 43 YEARS LATER
by Denis LaRose
San Miguel de Allende, November 30th 2008
On November 21st 2008, I left from San Miguel de Allende in the state of Guanajuato in Mexico, to return to the state of Hidalgo, specifically to Pisaflores where I had been with a group of Canadian University students in the summer of 1965.
By the map I figured I could make the trip in about 4 hours with my 1995 Beattle Volkswagon. An American friend, a geologist, was accompanying me.
We drove south, towards Queretaro, passed San Juan del Rio and then headed east, first on the 45, and then on the 85 highways. Once we crossed the mighty Tula river we noticed a definite change in vegetation, from the semi desertic plateau with cacti to the rain forests with pines and lots of greenery as we got closer and closer to the Sierra Madre mountains.
By then we had driven for 4 hours --- little did we know that we still had to drive in the rain, in the fog, and in the curved road in the mountains, at 30 km an hour, for another 4 hours before we reached the road that led to Pisaflores.
Around 4:30 pm we arrived at a junction, 18 kms from Pisaflores, and asked if by any chance there was a hotel in Pisaflores—otherwise given the late hour we would have headed for the close-by CHAPULHUACAN that appeared to have a good hotel.
To our surprise, there was a hotel in Pisaflores with several rooms so we headed down the paved road all the way to the town, after crossing a bridge over the impressive Moctezuma river. The rooms were $15 (150 pesos) and had a bed, sheets, a shower and washroom and toilet paper.
Unfortunately it was raining and it was somewhat foggy but at least the weather was warmer than up above at the level of Highway 85!!!
We explored the town, noticed the many businesses, at least 3 pharmacies, a photographic store, several doctor’s offices, hardly any real restaurants. We headed for the church: a beautiful, modern church and walked along the Rio Blanco that crosses the town and bought some coffee in a shop, where the 80 yo owner remembered the Canadians, in particular a guy called JAIME (JAMES….). We bought all the coffee he had.
After a rest we returned to the town square that now had 3 police trucks and a pharmacy where the General Store used to be. We ate some beef and chicken tacos right there on the square and they were very tasty.
There were lots of happy people, kids, couples walking around. There was electricity, satellite dishes, phones.
The next morning I got up early to take some photos (I would later lose the camera and all the photos on my returning to San Miguel de Allende).
We had breakfast on the town square eating a corn dish with chicken (the corn looked like couscous) –with cinnamon flavoured coffee. It was all very tasty and neither of us were sick.
I asked the lady who was serving breakfast when they had built the bridge,,,, she figured it was completed sometime in 1969. She remembered the Canadians and Father Jesus (Zepeda), who had since passed away she said.
I bought some more coffee from Pisaflores at a different store on the other of the square.
It was time to return (9:30 am).
The visit made a strong impression on me. I recognized the street and the house where we had camped for at least 6 weeks. I have been reflecting on our role in those days. We had built a road at father Jesus’ urging with the campesinos. I had taught grade 2 at the catholic school, which was still there but not used as a school anymore. I had worked as the translator for the nurse, Pauline Proulx, in Pisaflores and in the villages around. Sometimes I could not translate as the patient would speak only an Indian language—but to make him understand that we came from very far, the patient was told that we came from Mexico City!!!
Pisaflores is a beautiful town, and its main activity seems to be the growth of coffee and corn. Its inhabitants look happy and fairly prosperous. Our road had allowed Mexico to reach Pisaflores. It has allowed the establishment of a public health clinic, a high school, health care, electricity, water treatment among other visible changes.
After driving such a long distance I figured I would not return. But I might very well do return, maybe in a less rainy season. In the end it seems that father Zepeda built the road that the government would not build. It seems now that the Hidalgo government is fulfilling its role of serving also the people of Pisaflores.
In my personal history, Pisaflores of 1965 has had a major impact. I realized that philosophy as a profession was not what I wanted to do. I kept on studying philosophy on my return to Canada, and read Marx that said: < It is not important to interpret the world, it is necessary to transform it.>
I ended up studying medicine and psychology and became a cardiologist that practised in Gatineau, Québec, for 23 years until my retirement 3 years ago. At my retirement I headed back to Mexico and settled, at least for 6 months of the year, in San Miguel de Allende.

OPINIÓN—Malecón
Atentado contra la sociedad
November 18, 2008
Pretenden intimidar el ejercicio periodístico
They hope to deter journalism.
El atentado con granadas contra el periódico El Debate, que afortunadamente no cobró víctimas, es un artero ataque a la libertad de expresión y, como lo dice José Isabel Ramos, su Director General, una intimidación al ejercicio del periodismo sinaloense.

The grenade attack aimed at the newspaper El Debate, which fortunately claimed no victims, is a direct attack on the freedom of expression and, as was stated by its chief executive officer Jose Isabel Ramos, a threat against the practise of Sinaloan journalism.
Manifestamos nuestra solidaridad con los directivos y personal de ese medio, y nuestro más enérgico reclamo a las autoridades de justicia de que se capture y castigue a los responsables.

We are in solidarity with the directors and the personnel of this publication, and we fully support their demand that justice authorities pursue and punish those who were responsible.
Comprendemos el desconcierto, el miedo, la impotencia, el agravio y el coraje contenido de los integrantes de ese medio, porque en Noroeste sufrimos un ataque similar en 1994 (si el Alzheimer no se acuerda de nosotros), cuando manos criminales y jamás castigadas arrojaron una bomba incendiaria en el área de recepción, que por suerte sólo causó daños materiales. 

We understand the confusion, the fear, the powerlessness, the disruption and the courage shared by the workers of this newspaper, because Noroeste also suffered a similar attack in 1994 (if Alzheimer’s hasn’t confused us), when criminal elements who were never punished tossed an incendiary bomb in our reception area, and which fortunately only caused physical damage.
El ataque a ese periódico es un lamentable indicador de que ninguna institución ni autoridad de gobierno pone tope a la delincuencia organizada en Sinaloa, que a cada hora avanza con mayor descaro en el terreno que pertenece a los ciudadanos, víctimas del violento despojo. 

The attack on that newspaper is a sad indicator that no institution nor government authority can put a stop to organized crime in Sinaloa, which is boldly increasingly and reaching into the private lives of citizens who are become victimized by the violent plunder.
Cuando la sociedad cree que los delincuentes ya llegaron al límite del crimen, el hampa comete una nueva y peor fechoría. 

When we think that crime could get not get worse, the underworld commits a new and even worse act.
Cuando el 8 de octubre un comando de 30 gatilleros "tomó" las instalaciones de la Secretaría de Seguridad Pública para rescatar a un detenido, se pudo haber pensado que habíamos llegado al colmo de la delincuencia. Pero no fue así, el 29 del mismo mes un grupo armado rescató un cadáver del Semefo. 

When on October 8th an attack unit of 30 shooters “stormed” the headquarters of Public Security to rescue a prisoner, it was possible to think that this criminal act was the last straw. But it wasn’t to be, on the 29th of the same month an armed group recovered a body from Semefo (forensic morgue).
Ni tampoco ahí paró el descaro, el 10 de este mes fueron "levantados" 27 jornaleros agrícolas, cuyos captores los liberaron tres días después, evidenciando la ineficacia de las autoridades, tanto en prevención como en procuración de justicia. 

And it didn’t stop there, on the 10th of this month 27 agricultural labourers were abducted only to be released 3 days later by their kidnappers, demonstrating the inefficiency of authorities, not only in terms of prevention but in their fulfillment of justice.
El domingo atentaron contra un periódico y, con ello, contra la sociedad entera, puesto que los medios son los canales de información y expresión de la comunidad; también secuestraron y liberaron al comunicador de Tv Azteca y Máxima 103.3, Nelson Amparán. Hoy no sabemos qué más se atreverá a hacer la delincuencia organizada y desatada; y mañana... 

Sunday’s attack against a newspaper and, along with it, was aimed at all of us since the media are channels of information and community expression; there was also the abduction and eventual release of Azteca television and Radio Mazima 103.3 announcer Nelson Amparán. Today, we don’t know what further threats will be coming our way to overcome us: and tomorrow…????
¿Y el Gobernador? And the Governor?
Mientras la sociedad sigue perdiendo espacios, secuestrados por la delincuencia, y el temor se extiende y profundiza, el Gobernador Jesús Aguilar Padilla y su Gabinete de (in)seguridad parecen poseer un ánimo imperturbable ante la violencia, nada los asombra, nada los conmueve, nada los indigna, nada hacen... Todo es "normal". 

And while society continues to lose ground, held captive by crime, and while fear spreads in a profound way, the Governor, Jesus Aguilar Padilla and his Cabinet of (in)security appear to have an unbroken spirit in spite of the violence, not for them the shadows, nothing shakes them, nothing makes them indignant, they do nothing… Everything is “normal”.
Ayer el Mandatario estatal no dijo "esta cara y esta boca son mías". El atentado mínimo obligaba a un comunicado público de su parte, como lo hacen los gobernantes en los estados y países donde rigen las instituciones civiles. Pero prefirió ausentarse de las actividades públicas. 

Yesterday, the State’s chief executive didn’t say “this face and this mouth are mine too” (“I share your grief?”). The attack merited only a public communiqué on his part, like the ones issued by goernors of states and countries where civil authorities govern. He chose to excuse himself from public activities.
Les dejó a sus funcionarios de seguridad y justicia el paquete explosivo, porque a él le tocan sólo los eventos positivos o bonitos, como la inauguración que encabezará hoy del edificio sede del Poder Judicial de la Federación. 

He left this explosive bombshell in the hands of his security and justice functionaries, because he only wants to talk about good and positive things, like today’s dedication of the new headquarters for Federal Judicial Power.
Los secuestradores The Kidnappers
Y a propósito del secuestro del espacio social: Ni el clima sabrosón ni el ambiente siempre festivo de Mazatlán, que relajan hasta al más tieso, propiciaron que la politóloga Denise Dresser fuera condescendiente en el análisis de los grandes problemas del País, que invitada por la Coparmex hizo el viernes en el puerto. 

And what of the proposition that our social space has been kidnapped. The festive climate of Mazatlan, which warms even the most rigid person, didn’t stop the political scientist Denise Dresser from cutting to the chafe in her analysis of the big problems of the country at a Coparmex forum last Friday in the port city.
El diagnóstico es demoledor: México está secuestrado por sus élites económicas, políticas, intelectuales, además de la violencia del narco y la apatía ciudadana. 

The interpretation is devastating: Mexico is held captive by its economic, political, and intellectual elite, in addition to narco-violence and the apathy of citizens.
Sólo que en el plagio denunciado por la analista nadie pide rescate, y tampoco hay alguna institución que investigue el caso, capture a los plagiarios y libere al secuestrado. 

Even during this plague described by this analyst there is no one is asking to be rescued, and no institution is investigate the situation, and there are no arrests the kidnappers nor release for the kidnapped.
La conclusión es poco esperanzadora, porque la periodista considera que para rescatar a la Nación es necesaria la intervención de héroes, y los ciudadanos es hora que no se deciden a ponerse la capa. 

This conclusion gives little reason for optimism, because the columnist believes that the nation will be saved only if a hero intervenes, and citizens are not demanding that someone puts on the cape.
Los rehenes The hostages
La columnista describe la atonía de los ciudadanos: 

Dresser describes the lethargy of citizens
"Un país desconcertado y cabizbajo donde nadie sabe a quién apelar, dónde acudir, en qué gobierno confiar... un lugar donde existen ciudadanos ya dispuestos a ceder libertades si consiguen seguridad a cambio". 

“A country disconcerted and downcast, where noone knows who to call, where there is help, which government to trust…a place with citizens who are ready to give up liberties if it leads to security and change”
Ese trazo de la apatía ciudadana encaja perfectamente en Sinaloa, donde la crisis de inseguridad ha provocado una dejadez social. 

This outline of citizen apathy fits Sinaloa perfectly, where the crisis of insecurity has provoked social laziness.
Las palabras de Denise deben haber retumbado en el salón donde ofreció la conferencia: "a quién apelar, dónde acudir, en qué gobierno confiar". Es exactamente el vacío de instituciones y de líderes que padece la entidad.

Denise’s words should have shaken in the room where the conference took place: “who should be called, where is there help, which government should we trust”. It’s exactly this vacuum in institutions that is afflicting our existence.
Los narcopolíticos The Narco politicians
Aunque Dresser habló en general del País, sus opiniones no son ajenas a la realidad de Sinaloa. 

Even though Dresser was speaking generally about the country, her opinions are not far from the reality of Sinaloa.
"El narcotráfico y la violencia son otros síntomas de que el sistema no funciona. Muchos critican la violencia que el narcotráfico produce, pero pocos hablan de la estructura social, política y económica que la hace posible. Ese andamiaje de políticos que protegen a narcotraficantes y narcotraficantes que financian a políticos". 

“Narcotraffic and violence are sign that the system is not working. Many criticize the violence that narcotraffic has produced, but few mention the social, political and economic structure that makes this possible. This scaffolding of politicians who protect the narcotrafficlers and the narcotraffickers who finance the politicians.
Y en este caso todos somos rabones, los vecinos que hacen fiesta y sientan al narquillo del barrio en la mesa de honor; el político que llega alto porque un capo le puso bajo los pies sendas pacotas de billetes; el malandrín que crea empresas y genera empleo con dinero manchado de sangre y tragedia; y el narco que ávido de poder decide legislar o gobernar, porque fuero y camioneta blindada lo hacen prácticamente invulnerable, intocable. 

And in this case we are all like rabid dogs, the neighbours who hold parties and seat the local narco at the table of honour; the politician who gets to the top because a capo is pushing him upwards with bales of money under his feet; the no good who creates business and creates jobs with money tainted with blood and tragedy; and the narco anxious for power who decides to create laws or govern, and behind his truck’s shaded windshield is practically invulnerable and untouchable.
Al igual que Dresser, esta casa editorial ha denunciado el peligro de la narcopolítica, colada hasta el tuétano social y gubernamental, y las advertencias de la politóloga refuerzan nuestra tesis. Parece que no somos los únicos que gritamos en el desierto, las voces de alerta empiezan a multiplicarse. 

Along with Dresser, this publishing enterprise has denounced the danger of narcopolitics, deeply engrained in our social life and government, and the warnings of this political scientist reinforce our argument. It appears that we are not the only ones who are shouting in the desert, the voices of warning are beginning and will expand.
Primero los cuates First the buddies.
Y si alguna duda había de que la triste realidad de Sinaloa no es tal como en el resto de país (y en algunos casos peor), leamos a Denise:

 If anyone doubts that the sad reality of Sinaloa is different from the rest of the country (and in some cases is worse), we should look to Denise:
"Un Estado depredador, cínico, oportunista, donde el objetivo del Gobierno no es garantizar bienes públicos, como hospitales, clínicas, escuelas, sino producir bienes privados para sus funcionarios y sus amigos". “ 

"A predatory State, cynical opportunistic, where the objective of Governance is not to bring about public good, like hospitals, clinics, schools, but is instead to generate private wealth for its functionaries and for its friends? "
Con agudo ingenio, la analista bautiza a ese sistema económico como "capitalismo de cuates". ¿A poco no describe exactamente lo que sucede en Sinaloa? 

With an piercing wit, this analysis baptized this economic system as a “capitalism de buddy-boys” Does anyone think that this isn’t what is happening in Sinaloa?
Tan cuates que algunos viven juntos en el mismo fraccionamiento privadísimo (inexpugnable hasta para el Ejército), como Corleone y su Familia en su fortaleza de Long Island. 

They are such strong buddies that they live together in the same exclusive neighbourhoods (not even penetrable by the army), just like the Corleone family stronghold of Long Island.
Tan cuates como la Generación del Centenario, cuyos integrantes gozan de chamba en el Gobierno por el mérito de haber compartido carrera con Jesús Aguilar Padilla. 

So fraternal is this Centenario Generation (the University of Sinaloa class of 1973 – the 100 year of its founding) that its members enjoy the benefits of government for simply sharing the career of Jesus Agular Padilla (the Governor).
Gallina maniada Chickens with a hanging heads
La lista de los grandes problemas de México es cerrada por la apatía de los ciudadanos, en los que paradójicamente radica la solución. 

The list of big problems for Mexico is invisible because of citizen apathy, and paradoxically the solution lies with them.
De acuerdo con Dresser, el rescate del País sólo puede ser realizado por los ciudadanos, pero se requiere que decidan dejar la apatía y transformarse en héroes:

According to Dresser, the salvation of the country can only be realized by its citizens, but this means that they have to forget their apathy and transform themselves into heroes.
"Hacen falta los héroes grandes y pequeños..., hacen falta los mexicanos que recogen la basura en lugar de tirarla, los que pagan sus impuestos en lugar de evadirlos, los que se paran en el semáforo en lugar de debatir si lo hará o no, los mexicanos que denuncien la corrupción, los que estén dispuestos a comportarse como dueños de su País y no sólo como inquilinos que lo rentan". 

“There’s a shortage of big and little heroes…there are few Mexicans who pick up the garbage instead of throwing it away, who pay their taxes instead of trying to avoid them, those who stop at the stoplight instead of always debating whether they should, Mexicans who denounce corruption, those who are wiling to become owners of their own country and not simply tenants who rent it.”
Aquí en la entidad, con sus honrosas excepciones, la inseguridad tiene a los ciudadanos tan desconcertados y pico caídos como la gallina maniada que utilizaron en sus bailes los indígenas que recién celebraron la Danza por la Tierra en la Isla de Orabá. 

Here in this place, with a few honorable exceptions, insecurity has left citizens so disheartened and crestfallen (?translation?) just like those chicken hanging heads used by the Indians who recently celebrated a Dance for the Earth on Oraba Island.
Malecón es columna institucional de esta casa editorial Malecon is a general column appearing regularly in Noroeste.
maleconcul@noroeste.com
Translation by J.CreechanV

The Mexican tourism office has started a new advertising campaign to promote
tourism from Canada. It’s frightening to think that many of the destinations
promoted are in the middle up in one of the worst waves of violence Mexico has
ever known.

There’s almost no news about Mexico in Canadian newspapers or electronic media.
Even the CBC has not covered the horrific events from the past few months.

Here’s a short overview.

• There are 3 “super-cartels” and a number of smaller criminal associations. Two of the biggest cartels are involved in bloody war of attrition. The other gangs and groups are
  “used by the two bigger cartels” to complete various tasks AND/OR the lesser groups hope to ally with one or sometimes both of the bigger sides.
• The most powerful drug cartels in Mexico (at least a 30 billion dollar per year enterprise) have been “readjusting” since August or September 2004. That’s when one of the most notorious drug lords escalated things by arranging the assassination of the youngest brother of a powerful ally AND simultaneously making a move to control the multilane
  crossings at Laredo. That border crossing, expanded to handle NAFTA traffic reaches 80% of the American drug market in the mideast and east.
• The most powerful cartel/association has been called the Federation by American intelligence sources. It is an alliance of leaders born in the state of Sinaloa and led by Joaquin “Shorty” Guzman, Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada, & Juan Jose“El Azul” Esparragoza: for many years it also developed powerful alliances with the Carrillo Fuente family that
  controlled Juarez (El Paso), and a ruthless group of hitmen (sicarios) assembled by the Beltran Leyva brothers.
• The Federation is engaged in a bloody battle with the two next-largest
  cartels: The association  located in the west (Tijuana) is directed by another family from Sinaloa — the Arrellano-Felix clan. The roots of this “turf war” go back to
  at least the 1990’s and the break-up of the Guadalajara cartel, and has
  elements of a family blood-feud between the members of the Federation.
  The roots of the quarrel lay in “turf” battles for control  of the American Pacific Coast (California) market. The Arrellano-Felix family refused to “share” turf with the young “Shorty” Guzman after a top-level council meeting in Acapulco had “divided” up the country upon the orders of Miguel Angel “El Padrino” Felix Gallardo. Eventually, the Federation — led by Shorty Guzman— struck back at the Tijuana based
  Arrellano-Felix brothers by invading the turf and the feud has been
  simmering since then.


• The
  biggest wars that the Federation currently has are with the Gulf Cartel.
  It is primarily located in the northeast (Matamoros-Brownsville), and it
  became very strong at the end of the 1990’s under the direction of a man
  called “Killer of Friends-MataAmigos” —Osiel Cardenas-Guillen. The
  Federation, following the initiative of Shorty Guzman decided to move in
  on the turf on either side of Laredo/Nuevo Laredo border region (more
  than 8,000 trucks pass through here each day). It started a bloody “turf
  war” with Cardenas-Guillen, and he responded by recruiting at least 30
  army deserters from an elite Mexican Anti-Terrorism task force. This
  group, now led by “El Lazca” Lazcano and Eduardo “El Cos” Costilla
  Sanchez began a war that escalated in degrees of brutality and bloodshed.
  The Sinaloa based Federation responded by creating its own paramilitary
  force headed by Alfredo “El Mochomo” (A
  ferocious ant) Beltran-Leyva: El Mochomo recruited, trained and
  equipped at least two different gangs of killers counteract the
  Zetas— including one called “los pelones” - translated close to the idea of skinheads. The initial
  battleground was Laredo and Nuevo Laredo — many of the hitmen were
  American born. In fact, Osiel Cardenas Guillen was eventually arrested in
  a high profile capture and extraditited to the US because a case can be
  made that he is American.




• A number of smaller violent
  organizations have come into play in the current bloodshed. Some are
  looking for work with either of the larger cartels (primarily as
  assassins). The Gulf cartel started this “recruitment trend” by seeking
  out the Mexican army deserters (GAFES) trained in counter-terrorism
  techniques (at the school of the Americas) and who had access to powerful
  weaponry. What they didn’t have, Osiel Cardenas Guillen had obtained for
  them from the US and from Europe. There is evidence that an elite force of
  military from Guatemala— los
  Kaibiles have also been recruited and are fighting along side the
  Zetas. Other cartels, primarily the Federation, formed counter-defensive
  “mercenary armies” and heavily recruited from among the heavily tatooed
  Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and other street gangs in the south. Some
  “independent” gangs emerged such as “La Familia” and these appear to be
  aligning with the Gulf-Zetas— but this isn’t clear. La Familia has
  also migrated to some cities in central Mexico and have begun their own
  recruiting campaign; there are suggestions that they sense a power vacuum
  and are hoping to take over. In a way, this group seems to play a role
  much like the Hell’s Angels.


• The main prize at stake in
  the current wave of violence and bloody dispute are the control shipping
  routes into the lucrative US drug market, especially those at Laredo. But
  the battle has also moved to other parts of Mexico where drugs are
  “collected” and “produced”. Another part of the turf war focuses on
  “manufactured” drugs such as crystal meth, ecstasy etc. After the US
  cracked down on crystal meth labs in the US, and the drug lords in Mexico
  formed alliances with other groups such as the Amezcua Contreras family
  who had been producing them in central Mexico. But after the US closed
  down many labs with its borders, the level of production in Mexico jumped
  geometrically. The States of Michoacan, Guerrero, Vera Cruz, Yucatan and
  Coahuila are particularly vulnerable because they are both centres of
  synthetic drug production AND important cross-roads for the transit of
  cocaine through Mexico. Mexico is the principle “trampoline” for Colombian
  cocaine, and as much as 90% of all cocaine in the US has passed through
  Mexico moved by the cartels in Mexico.  And shipments of precursor
  drugs from China (and supplied by the Triads) have made the manufacture of
  drugs relatively easy and profitable — and made several states
  important battleground in the drug war (Michoacan and Guerrero in
  particular)


• President Felipe Calderon responded
  to an increase in violence by deploying the army to fight the drug wars
  (the army can only be used to “eradicate” crops according to the Mexican
  Constitution). This use of the army is recognized by most people as a
  major miscalculation and unleashed an even bloodier reaction from the
  cartels. Calderon also appointed army-generals to manage “homeland
  security” and lead the attorney-general office. These men relied on only a
  military strategy for fighting the battle against drugs, and the result
  was a bloody increase in violence. For instance, the federal forces made a
  high publicity arrest in Culiacan of Alfredo “El Mochomo”
   Beltran-Leyva. Prior to his arrest, he walked about the streets with
  impunity and was an untouchable. After the arrest, his older brother,
  Arturo Beltran Leyva claimed that El Mochomo had been set up and was a
  “chivo expiatorio/sacrificial lamb”. In particular, he blamed Shorty
  Guzman for “offering up his brother” in return for immunity and freedom to
  carry on untouched. Beltran-Leyva made a public and bloody break with his
  former allies in the Federation by killing 9 policemen in one day—
  all of whom he believed were involved the “conspiracy to protect” Guzman.
  Then Arturo arranged to kill the number 3 man (Edgar Millan) in the Federal
  Justice department by executing him in his home, and also contracted with
  a criminal gang in Mexico city to plant a bomb in the Justice Department
  headquarters (the bomb exploded prematurely in downtown Mexico city). The
  Beltran-Leyvas have since formed an alliance (of sorts) with the
  paramilitary Zetas and have been executing their mutual enemies; their
  trade-mark is “beheading”. The Federation has beena fighting back and has
  recruited a new generation of hitmen and has supplied them with heavy armaments—
  far more powerful than anything that the Mexican army or local police
  possess. Most of these armaments are smuggled from the US.


• A number of smaller, but very
  dangerous gangs have made attempts to ally themselves with one and
  sometimes both of the major cartels  (i.e. With either/or the
  Federation or the Gulf). The two most notorious gangs are the Mara
  Salvatrucha in the south of Mexico (and with Los Angeles ties) and another
  gang called “La Famila” in the centre of the country. These gangs are the
  street-thugs and low level operatives. The most violent gang at the moment
  seem to be “La Familia” who have apparently sensed an opportunity to move
  into some of the larger cities and establish their presence. All of these
  gangs, La Familia, Los Zetas, Los Pelones are actively recruiting young
  and unemployed men for the wars. There is some evidence that recruitment
  in “mercenary magazines” is taking place.


• On a different level, there
  is also some evidence that the cartels in Mexico are strengthening their
  international connections to other mafias. Today, the DEA announced the
  arrest of 175 men who were working closely with the Sicilian N’Drangheta (
  http://www.usdoj.gov/dea/pubs/pressrel/pr091708p.html).
  Shorty Guzman has worked with Chinese triads (a man named Ye Gong was
  connected to him and was arrested in the US), and Guzman has apparently
  developed strong connections to synthetic drug manufacturers in Argentina;
  last month, three high profile businessmen with shady backgrounds and
  links to Guzman were murdered; they have also been connected to the
  President and former president (the Kirschners)

These stories and events are not reported are relatively unknown outside of a
few border areas in the US (El Paso, Laredo). And there are clear indications
that things will get worse before they get better. At the end of August, 12
decapitated bodies were discovered in the Yucatan (and the gruesome videos
posted to MiVid.com). On Monday night the 15th, during the traditional Mexican
Independence “grito”, fragment
grenades were tossed into the festive. Seven innocent people were killed and at
least 130 seriously injured. That happened in Morelia, Michoacan, the home-town
of President Calderon and the first State where he sent the army to control
drug crime. The grenade incident has been linked to narco-traffic. It’s alleged
that La Familia carried out the act — although this is still
unconfirmed— and La Familia members are blaming the Zetas.



The attached document is a time-line analysis from El Universal (Sept. 18) that
describes the patterns of escalating violence.

Atentados en Morelia: Los narcos tope otro límite

Explosions in Morelia: the narcos break another barrier

Alejandro Jiménez

El Universal.com,
September 18, 2008

La saña en las ejecuciones perpetradas por grupos de narcotraficantes es ascendente y no parece tener límite.	The brutality of executions by narcotrafickers is rising and appears to have no limits.
En menos de siete años, se pasó de ejecuciones callejeras a plena luz del día —lo que parecía inconcebible— a la costumbre de ver cadáveres encobijados; de ahí, se pasó a las videoejecuciones y a las decapitaciones. El lunes se llegó ya al atentado con granadas contra personas inocentes en una reunión pública y multitudinaria.	In less than seven years, they’ve gone from murdering people in broad daylight — something inconceivable at that time — to routinely of dumping bodies wrapped in blankets; and from they’ve moved on to video-executions and decapitations. And on Monday they exploded grenades among a large crowd of innocent people.
Su fin era intimidar a grupos rivales, atemorizar a la población civil y mandar mensajes de su poderío a los tres niveles de gobierno.	The intent was to intimidate rival groups, terrorize civil society and send a message of narco power to the three levels of government.
La tendencia comenzó a finales de la década de los 90, con ejecuciones callejeras de mandos policiales en el norte del país, que escandalizaron a la opinión pública.	The trend began at the end of 1990’s, when street executions of police in the north of the country scandalized public opinion.
Después siguieron los múltiples casos de personas encajueladas en autos. Se siguió con el encobijamiento de cadáveres. Las víctimas eran, por lo general, miembros de cárteles rivales.	Afterwards they followed up by executing several people and leaving them in car trunks. Dumping “shrouded” bodies came next. Victims, for the most part, were rival cartel members.
En 2001, la suma de ejecuciones ligadas al crimen organizado fue de mil 800. Para 2004, el número ascendió a mil 304. Fue entonces que la violencia y saña se volvieron imparables.	In 2001, the number of executions linked to organized crime were3 1,800. By 2004, the number had risen to 1,304 (sic). It was then that the violence and brutality became unstoppable.
El 1 de diciembre de 2005, la delincuencia cruzó sus propios límites de violencia mediante las videoejecuciones. Ese día, el periódico The Dallas Morning News difundió en su portal un video, en el que se veía la ejecución de cuatro integrantes de Los Zetas, torturados y asesinados ante las cámaras.	By December 1, 2005, crime exceeded its own boundaries of violence with the video-executions. That day, the Dallas Morning News published a video on its website showing the execution of 4 members of Los Zetas, tortured and assassinated in front of cameras.
En 2006 se rompió otra marca: aparecieron las cabezas de dos policías municipales clavadas frente a la representación de la Secretaría de Finanzas.	In 2006 the broke another barrier: the heads of 2 municipal police nailed in front of an office of the Secretary of Finance.
Puesto el ejemplo de las decapitaciones, La Familia de Michoacán arrojó cinco cabezas dentro de un bar de Uruapan, en septiembre de 2006. Desde entonces no han dejado de aparecer cuerpos mutilados.	It unleashed more decapitations, “The Family of Michoacan” rolled 5 heads into a bar in Uruapan in September 2006. Since then, there’s been no end to the appearance of mutilated bodies.
El peor de los videos fue uno llamado “Haz patria, mata a un zeta”, difundido en YouTube durante los primeros días de abril de 2007, en el que se ve la decapitación, con un alambre, de otro presunto integrante de Los Zetas.	The worst of the videos was one called “Save the country, kill a zeta”, uploaded to YouTube during the first days of April 2007. It showed the decapitation with barbed wire of an alleged member of Los Zetas.
En 2008 se han rebasado nuevos límites. El 16 de agosto, en Chihuahua, un comando del cártel de Juárez acribilló a 14 personas — entre ellas un bebé—. Sin más, entraron a masacrar a todos los presentes en un bautizo.	In 2008 they had sunk to new lows. On the 16th of August, in Chihuahua, a leader of the Juarez Cartel gunned down 14 people — including a baby. Even worse, they invaded and killed them all during a baptism.
El 28 de agosto fueron hallados una docena de cuerpos decapitados en Yucatán.	On the 28th of August, a dozen decapitated heads were found in the Yucatan.
El viernes pasado fueron halladas en La Marquesa los cadáveres de 24 personas.	Last Friday, the remains of 24 people were discovered in La Marquesa.
El lunes pasado, dos granadas de fragmentación fueron arrojadas en Morelia, durante la ceremonia del grito de Independencia, con saldo de siete personas muertas y 132 de heridos. Ya no sólo se atentó contra elementos de bandas rivales, sino contra la población civil. Rompieron un límite más.	And last Monday, 2 fragmenting grenades were tossed in Morelia during the Independence Day “Call to Freedom” and seven people were left dead and 132 wouned. Now, they’re not only blowing up members of rival bands, but they’re attacking ordinary people. They’ve broken another barrier.
En lo que va del año se han registrado 3 mil 227 ejecuciones, cuando aún faltan tres meses y medio para que termine 2008.	So far this year there have been 3, 227 executions recorded, and there are still 3 ½ months left in the year.

© Queda expresamente
prohibida la republicación o redistribución, parcial o total, de todos los
contenidos de EL UNIVERSAL

Queen of the Pacific

Violence linked to drug trafficking continues unabated in Mexico. This morning (Aug. 28, 2008), at least 10 people died in a running gun battle on the highways leading north to Zihuatenejo out of Acapulco. Earlier today, another decapitated and dismembered body was thrown onto a main street of Culiacan. Yesterday, at least 24 people died in drug related shootings across Mexico— including 2 more policemen.

The strategy of the Mexican Federal Government has been reduced to a sad farce. Last week, President Calderon finally convened a summit meeting of governors and senior officials in Mexico City. The result was a list of 75 “promises” that are little more than vacuous statements that will have zero impact.

I’ve attached a short article/ book review appearing online at Proceso.com. A soon-to-be-released book by the famous Mexican Journalist Julio Scherer Garcia will go on sale this week in Mexico City. Scherer’s book is based on extensive interviews with Sandra Avila Beltran who has been given the nickname “Queen of the Pacific”. Sandra Avila Beltran is related to the notorious Arrellano Felix brothers who control the drug trade in Baja California (Tijuana) and who have a reputation as being amongst the most unpredictable and violent drug lords in Mexico. She was arrested last year along with her latest companion-husband who was one of the most wanted “drug dealers” from Colombia. The Calderon government believes that Sandra Avila Beltran is one of the chief money launderers for the Arrellano Felix family and that her husband was the principle contact with Colombian cocaine sources. If you understand Spanish, you might enjoy the YouTube of her arraignment at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bWvbagSr6BQ or the longer newsreport about this arrest at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3TuBZX0O4bU&NR=1 Even if you don’t understand Spanish, they’re “fun to watch”. Watch and decide for yourself if this woman could possibly be the most important link between Mexico and Colombia!

The nickname “Queen of the Pacific” is an interesting case of Art Imitating Life and Life Imitating Art. A famous narco-corrido about a fictional female drug dealer inspired a best-selling international book by Arturo Perez-Reverte called “Queen of the South— La Reina del Sur”. ( http://www.amazon.com/Queen-South-Arturo-Perez-Reverte/dp/0452286549). The Calderon Government and Mexican media have dubbed Sandra Avila Beltran “Queen of the Pacific” — arguably to convince us that she is one of the most important drug dealers/money-launderers captured in the Calderon initiative in the drug wars.

The attached article also makes reference to a couple of upcoming “marches” and “protests” scheduled for this weekend. One march will be a silent protest march against violence and crime (primarily drugs and kidnapping) and it has been heavily promoted in several newspapers. Another march is scheduled to protest the government plans to “restructure” the national oil monopoly Pemex — basically allow some of it to be privatized and opened up to foreign investment.

Pemex to Mexicans is like “health care” or “the CBC” to Canadians. Pemex has been a source of national pride and a symbol of Mexican independence ever since Presiden Lazaro Cardenas appropriated it in the late 1930’s. Felipe Calderon’s government shares an ideology with Stephen Harper and with George Bush, and has actively worked to turn it over to non-government investors.

The following article was downloaded from

Proceso.com (http://www.proceso.com.mx/analisis_int.html?an=61728)

and translated by J. Creechan

Sociedad narca por josé gil olmos 28 Agosto 2008	Narco Society By José Gil Olmos August 28, 2008
MEXICO, D.F., 27 de agosto (apro).- La “sociedad narca” es un término que pocas veces se ha escuchado pero con mucho tino define una situación y una condición que se vive en todo el país: la integración del poder del narcotráfico como forma de vida en la sociedad y, aún más, como parte del Estado y del sector político.	Mexico,Federal District, 27 of August (approx). The “narco society” is a term heard only a few times recently, but it accurately defines a situation and condition experienced by the entire country: the intrusion of the power of narco-trafficking as a norm of social life, and even worse, as a component of State and the political sector.
En su último libro, La Reina del Pacífico, el periodista Julio Scherer García descubre este término en su larga entrevista con Sandra Ávila Beltrán, bautizada así por el gobierno de Felipe Calderón en un intento por justificar su lucha contra el narcotráfico pretendiendo vestir a esta mujer, nacida en Tijuana, como “el enlace más peligroso” que hay entre los cárteles de México y Colombia, algo que, en realidad, está muy lejos de ser cierto.	In his latest book, The Queen of the Pacific, journalist Julio Scherer Garcia unveils to this term during an extensive interview with Sandra Avila Beltran— baptized with that moniker by Felipe Calderon’s government to validate his struggle against narco-traffic, in hopes of fingering this woman from Tijuana as the “the most dangerous link” between Mexican and Colombian cartels — something far from being true in reality.
A lo largo del libro, el lector puede ir descubriendo el significado profundo de este término que retrata muy bien el enorme poder que el narcotráfico ha alcanzado entre la sociedad civil y política en nuestro país.	Throughout the book, the reader will continually see the deeper significance of this term that perfectly describes the tremendous power that narco-traffic has attained in civil society and the political life of this country.
“En la sociedad narca la riqueza como que brota –describe Sandra Ávila-- un día eres pobre y al siguiente millonario. Pero cómo se hace el dinero sólo lo saben los que lo hacen. Tú no los escuchas a propósito ni averiguas qué tan serias podrían ser las relaciones entre ellos. Pero si adviertes que de pronto lucen brillantes y piedras preciosas, mujeres de alto vuelo, que compran residencias que habitan y abandonan casi al mismo día, que se hacen dueños de edificios u hospitales, como en Guadalajara, o un hotel, como en Mazatlán, lleno de flores. Yo no sé cómo se arreglan con las autoridades, pero se arreglan. Un día cambian de estilo y se vuelven echadores. Te enteras de reuniones discretas, cerca del misterio, pero no más. Vas sabiendo sin saber que vas sabiendo. Y un día sabes. ¿Cómo es eso? No sé. Pero sé que es así”.	“In narco society, wealth flourishes everywhere– says Sandra Ávila — one day you’re poor and the next a millionaire. But how this money is earned is known only to those that earn it. You don’t hear the reasons nor question how it worked, nor do you think about the nature of your involvement with them. But you do know that brilliant and precious rocks will be shining soon, women who are high-flyers, that it’s possible to buy houses that you can occupy or abandon on almost the same day, that you can own buildings or hospitals, such as those in Guadalajara, or a hotel, full of flowers like the one Mazatlán. I don’t know how they arrange it with the authorities, but they do. One day they change their style and come back boastful. You hae discrete encounters, surrounded by mystery, but nothing else. You continue without knowing what you know. And one day you do know. How is this so? I don’t know. But I do know that’s how it is.”
Añade: “La sociedad narca es dura, cruel y en su propio espacio es una sociedad en sí misma. No hay código que valga la pena en la disputa por el poder. Tampoco hay leyes que resuelvan las disputas y no se ve autoridad que pudiera imponerse al caos que va y viene, siempre presente y haciéndose sentir”.	And she adds: “Narco society is hard, cruel, and in its own way is a society unto itself. There’s no code that measures out penalties in power struggles. Nor are there laws to resolve disputes and I don’t see any authority capable of intervening in the chaos that comes and goes, is always present and always on your mind”.
En tanto, Scherer señala: “Escuchando a la señora me he ido haciendo una idea acerca de la sociedad narca: es expansiva y su dinero está por todos lados”.	Meanwhile, Scherer notes: “Listening to this lady made me to think about this idea of a ‘narco society’: it’s widespread and its money is everywhere”.
Visto así, la “sociedad narca” es aquella que está impregnada por el poder de los carteles de la droga, por el dinero de los barones de los estupefacientes, que se hacen presentes en todos los sectores y en todos los niveles de gobierno, sin que nadie los detenga.	Seen as such, the “narco society” was inseminated by the power of the drug cartels, by the money barons of mind-altering drugs, that gives them a presence in all sectors and all levels of government without anyone able reign it in.
La “sociedad narca” está formada por las familias de los capos de la droga, pero también por sus amigos, por los políticos con los que se asocian, por los gobernantes que los protege o que, incluso, se dedican al mismo negocio; por los militares que los solapan detrás de las montañas de dinero que son capaces de amasar en poco tiempo; por los banqueros que cierran los ojos para no ver la entrada de millones de dólares a sus sistemas financieros; por los ediles que compran desde que son candidatos; por algunos periodistas que se emplean como voceros; por algunos empresarios a los que sólo les importan sus negocios, y por los policías y jueces que juegan a la justicia cuando en realidad sirven para legalizar laimpunidad.	The “narco society” consists of the families of drug lords, but also their friends, by politicians they hang around with, by governments that protect them or, even involved themselves in the same business; by the military they corrupt with piles money that they’re capable of amassing on short notice; by bankers who close their eyes and don’t see the millions of dollars entering their financial systems; by town counselors who’ve been bought and paid for beginning with their candidacy; by some journalists who serve as spokesmen; by businessmen to whom they bring their dealings, and by police and judges who play with justice when in reality they’re working to legalize impunity.
El narcotráfico se ha hecho cultura en nuestro país. La “sociedad narca” tiene a sus santos --Malverde y la Santa Muerte--, su propia música, sus ídolos y héroes y su moneda establecida por el precio de la kilo de estupefaciente. Tiene su territorio y sus propias reglas de autogobierno. Tiene a su ejército –Los Zetas--, y a sus propias autoridades. En fin, en medio del Estado mexicano se ha erigido en un pequeño y poderoso estado que controla muchos de los hilos del poder a nivel nacional.	Narco-traffic has emerged as a culture in our country. The “narco-society” has its saints — Jesus Malverde and Most Holy Death—, its own music, its idols and heroes and its money linked to the price of a kilo of narcotics. It has its turf and its own rules of governance. It has its army — Los Zetas—, and its own authorities. In short, in the middle of the Mexican State there has emerged a small and powerful state that pulls many of the strings of power on a national level.
La falta de entendimiento de los alcances del problema por parte del gobierno de Felipe Calderón es lo que lo ha hecho caer derrotado ante el enorme poder del narco y hacer notar el error cometido de utilizar la fuerza militar cuando la propia Constitución lo impide.	Felipe Calderon’s government failure to understand of the widespread nature of this problem explains its defeats at the hands of enormously powerful narco traffickers and emphasizes the mistake made in using military force even though the Constitution does not allow it.
Ya lo hemos dicho: para empezar una verdadera lucha contra este metapoder es necesario tomar acciones que les duela, no deteniendo algunos cabecillas que luego escapan como fue el “Chapo”, sino decomisando el dinero que ganan y que lo meten a lavar en el sistema financiero y bancario.	Now we've said it: to begin a real battle against this “meta-power” it’s necessary to engage in actions that harm them, not just the arrests of some group leaders who can later escape like “Shorty Guzman” did, but by confiscating the money that they’ve earned and that they’ve laundered in the financial and banking system.
Al mismo tiempo, actuando contra los policías y sus jefes que se emplean a los diferentes narcos, a los gobernadores y presidentes municipales que se hacen socios, a los policías y jueces cómplices, a los militares que juegan doble juego.	At the same time, it’s important to strike against the police  and its leaders who are in the employ of different narcos, to strike against the governors and municipal mayors who are their buddies, against the police and complicit judges, and against the military who are double agents.
Calderón se engaña a si mismo, no a la sociedad, cuando dice que “ahora si” va con todo para acabar con el crimen organizado –narco, secuestradores, etcétera-- pues al hacerlo a través de los mismos mecanismos policiacos, legales y militares, está repitiendo el mismo error de antes.	Calderon only helps himself, and not society, when he says that “now is the time” to throw everthing at organized crime — narcotics, kidnappings etc. — but to do this be means of the same police mechanisms, legal instruments and military, is repeating the same error made before.
Sólo con la caída de un gobernador o presidente municipal, que los hay, involucrados en el crimen organizado, sólo con la detención de algunos militares o banqueros que solapan, o con la caída de un alto funcionario al servicio de los jefes del narcotráfico, es como la sociedad podrá ver que el combate va en serio.	Only the fall of a governor or a mayor, those linked to organized crime, or only the arrest of some military or bankers who are reaping profits, or the fall of some functionary in the service of the narco chiefs, will be how society can see that the battle is being taken seriously.
Mientras tanto, si no se actúa de fondo, la “sociedad narca” se seguirá reproduciendo y extendiendo cada vez más y con ella su poder será imbatible para cualquier gobierno. Este es el verdadero interés de la sociedad, no la reforma de Pemex. Así lo veremos con claridad el próximo fin de semana cuando se realicen las dos marchas programadas precisamente bajo estos dos temas.	Meanwhile, it no action is taken to get at the roots of the problem, the “narco society” will continue reproducing and extending it’s reach more and more, and with its power will be unstoppable by any government. This is what needs to be done to serve the people, not the restructuring of PEMEX. We will clearly see that this is true at the end of this week when the two issues are protested by the scheduled public marches.