Cosala, Sinaloa and the legend of Heraclio Bernal

AQUÍ ESTÁ HERACLIO BERNAL
by Celia Cortés
Lunes 13 de julio de 2009

from Rio Doce (http://www.riodoce.com.mx)

Uno de los primeros corridos que el pueblo aún sigue cantando habla de un bandido que buscaba el Gobierno y fue traicionado por su compadre Crispín. Sí, nos referimos a Heraclio Bernal (1855-1888) a quien, como en vida buscaba el Gobierno para acabar con él y ahora lo buscan los cosaltecos para reivindicar su nombre.
To this day, one of the first corridos sung in Cosala is about a bandit who was hunted by the government and betrayed by his compadre Crispín. Yes, we’re speaking of Heraclio Bernal (1855-1888) whom the government wanted to finish off and the Cosalteco community wants to vindicate.
Mucho se ha hablado de Heraclio Bernal como un asaltante que robaba a los ricos para repartir entre los pobres, que participó en por lo menos 30 asaltos y 10 asesinatos, que lo veían al mismo tiempo en tres lugares distintos, que fue llevado a la cárcel al incriminarlo de robarse unas barras de plata, que lo mismo se vestía de carbonero cuando repartía riqueza entre los pobres, como se vestía de mujer para bailar con el gobernador.
There are many tales of Heraclio Bernal portraying him him as a thief stealing from the rich to share with the poor, and responsible for at least 30 robberies and 10 murders, who was reported to be in three different places at the same time, and who was hauled off to jail after being implicated in a robbery of several bars of silver, or as someone who disguised himself as a charcoal vendor to distribute riches to the poor, and even dressing like a woman to dance with the governor.
Pero además de la figura mítica del bandolero valiente, hoy, en vísperas de festejar el centenario de la Revolución Mexicana, hay una comisión que pretende reivindicar su nombre y buscan que se le reconozca como un visionario precursor de dicha lucha armada, con una visión que anticipó 25 años la decisión de muchos otros de poner fin al gobierno de Porfirio Díaz. Dicha comisión está integrada por miembros de La Crónica de Sinaloa, y son apoyados por el Gobierno del municipio de Cosalá, por ser donde más se ha querido a esta figura histórica.
But more than a mythical and valiant bandit figure, today, on the cusp the centenary celebrations of the Mexican Revolution, there’s a commission aiming to rehabilitate his reputation and honour his role as a 25 year precursor of the revolutionary views that eventually brought down the Porifirio Diaz government. The commission consists of members of the La Cronica de Sinaloa who are joined by members of the municipal government of Cosalá, where this historic figure is much beloved.

Y el caso es que Heraclio Bernal Zazueta, quien nació en Chaco, en el municipio de San Ignacio, y tras estudiar la primaria y en el Seminario, vivió en el pueblo minero de Guadalupe de los Reyes, donde trabajó buen tiempo hasta que lo incriminaron del robo de unas barras de plata, por lo que fue a parar a la cárcel de Mazatlán.
It’s the tale of Heraclio Bernal Zazueta, born in Chaco, in San Ignacio municipality, and who after completing primary studies in a seminary, lived and worked in the mining community of Guadalupe de Los Reyes for a long period until incriminated in the theft of silver bars, and then dumped in the Mazatlan jail.
Ahí, en el presidio, conoció a un español socialista que le facilitó textos de Marx, Backoumine, LaSalle, Saint-Simon, Owen y Proudhon, y fue donde Bernal se convenció de que los ricos eran unos ladrones de la riqueza del pueblo, dejando en la miseria a los trabajadores.
In that presidio, he met up with a Spanish socialist who familiarized him with the works of Marx, Backoumine, LaSalle, Saint-Simon, Owen and Proudhon, and it was here where he became convinced that the rich were stealing people’s wealth and leaving the workers in a miserable plight.
Escapa de prisión y decide vengarse. Regresa a Guadalupe de los Reyes y acaba con quien lo inculpó y luego con ex convictos y campesinos empiezan a asaltar diligencias de los hacendados para luego repartir lo robado entre los pobres.
Escaping from prison, he decided to exact revenge. Returning to Guadalupe de los Reyes, he wiped out those who had implicated him and then, in the company of ex-convicts and campesinos, began a systematic assault on landholders to distribute the booty to the poor.
Con el tiempo se unió primero a Ramírez Terrones, después a García de la Cadena con quien propuso al pueblo que se levantara en armas, primero con el Plan de la Rastra, más tarde con el Plan de Conitaca, lanzado en 1887, donde hablaban de acabar con el gobierno de Porfirio Díaz, instruyendo a las trabajadores para mejorar sus salarios, hablaba en contra del despojo que el Gobierno hacía del pueblo yaqui, a quien prometía que les devolvería sus tierras y hablaba también de la “no reelección”.
Eventually, he joined up with Ramírez Terrones, and then with García de la Cadena with whom he incited people into an armed uprising, first through the Plan de La Rastra, and later by the Plan de Conitaca which was proclaimed in 1887. It spoke of terminating the Porifio Diaz government, taught workers that they should earn more, denounced the pillage sponsored by the government against the Yaqui people, and promised to return lands and even addressed the issue of “no re-election”.
Por supuesto que Porfirio Díaz ordenó su persecución, lo mismo que el gobernador de Sinaloa, y aunque Heraclio Bernal conocía muy bien la sierra, una pulmonía le impidió irse al extranjero como lo tenía planeado, y aunque se indica que su compadre Crispín lo traicionó, la gente en Cosalá indica que fueron órdenes del propio Bernal a su compadre que le diera un balazo y él mismo lo entregara para que la recompensa se la dieran a él y la repartiera al pueblo.
In response, Porfirio Diaz ordered that he be hunted down, and the governor of Sinaloa did the same. Even though Heraclio Bernal knew the mountainous terrain, pneumonia thwarted a plan to flee abroad— and even though some say that his compadre Crispin betrayed him, the people of Cosala say it was Bernal himself who directed his compadre to shoot him and later collect the reward so that it could be distributed to the people.
En el coloquio que el pasado miércoles se organizó en Cosalá, tras varias ponencias de expertos e historiadores, donde se habló de la admiración que Francisco Villa tuvo por este luchador social, escuchamos a Teodora Mendoza, quien indicó que su padre fue colaborador de Heraclio Bernal, y tras su muerte, Crispín le dio las monedas que le correspondían como a muchos otros del pueblo, mismas que ahora ella ha entregado a quienes promueven la reivindicación de su nombre y exposición de imágenes del precursor de ideas revolucionarias.
In a seminar organized last Wednesday in Cosalá, several presentations by historical experts reported Francisco Villa’s admiration for this socal activist, and afterwards Teodora Mendoza said that his father had been a collaborator of Heraclio Bernal. He reported that after Bernal’s death, it was Crispin who distributed coins from the reward to the community. Many of those people and their families are now promoting the vindication of Bernal’s reputation, and supporting the exhibition of the exhibits which are precursors of revolutionary ideas.
Al finalizar el coloquio Aquí Está Heraclio Bernal se hizo una visita al panteón de Cosalá, donde indican descansan los restos del bandolero generoso, aunque hay controversia de si se encuentran en el osario o junto a la pared de la antigua entrada al panteón, de donde lugareños platican que Paquis Corrales, ex presidenta municipal, retiró la cruz que decía Heraclio Bernal, por lo que hoy sigue siendo válida la frase “Se busca a Heraclio Bernal”, pero los que se lo han propuesto lo buscan para llevar sus restos a la Rotonda de los Sinaloenses Ilustres y planean poner su nombre en letras de oro en el Congreso estatal; pero la empresa que se proponen es realizar una estatua ecuestre que se instalará en el pueblo mágico de Cosalá antes de que acabe el año, para lo cual han convocado a personalidades cosaltecas y sinaloenses entre las que se incluye al gobernador Jesús Aguilar Padilla. Es una ardua empresa, pero Heraclio Bernal luchó toda su vida por apoyar a quienes menos tenían y en pro de la justicia social.
At the end of the seminar “Here is Heraclio Bernal”, there was a visit to the cemetery of Cosalá, where the remains of the generous bandit were pointed out. There is controversy about whether he’s in the tomb where locals say a former mayor, Paquis Corrales, removed a cross with the name Heraclio Bernal— or whether he is next to the wall at the entrance to the old cemetery. Even today, the phrase “Wanted: Heraclio Bernal” continues to be meaningful. But there are those who have proposed looking for his remains and bringing them to the Rotunda of Illustrious Sinaloans and putting his name in gold letters there in the State Congress. However, the organization has proposed erecting an equestrian statue in the magical community of Cosalá before the year end, and this is the favoured option of Cosala dignitaries and Sinaloans, including Governor Jesús Aguilar Padilla. It’s an arduous undertaing, but Heraclio Bernal fought his entire life to help those had less and on behalf of social justice.

(translated by J.Creechan)

Link to the Corrido of Heraclio Bernal

Mexicans, Czechs will need visas to visit Canada

Mexicans, Czechs will need visas to visit Canada

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Facebook Group for CIASP

A facebook group for CIASP/CEPIA has been created.

Those who have a Facebook account should search for CIASP/CEPIA and join. The group is OPEN.

Others are invited to join facebook and then join the group. If you have concerns about privacy, it's possible to protect yourself in a couple of ways. First, create a new account on gmail.com (google), hotmail.com, yahoo.com etc. Then use this account to create a FACEBOOK account. You can be selective about much of the information you choose to enter, AND you should make certain that most of your information (address, birth year, etc.) are marked as PRIVATE in the Preferences and Settings.

The FACEBOOK account allows a lot more interactive discussion and chatting. It also allows everyone to see your photos and souvenirs from CIASP

Es el mariachi tradicional victima latente de la comercialización\

An article in Spanish about traditional mariachi groups.

Es el mariachi tradicional victima latente de la comercializacion: especialista | Milenio.com

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Return to Pisaflores: 43 years later

RETOUR A PISAFLORES 20-21 NOVEMBRE 2008-11-23
Denis LaRose
Croyant que le voyage serait de 4 heures, je suis parti vers 8H30 le vendredi 20 novembre 2008 avec Dave H, un géologue américain en visite à San Miguel de Allende depuis deux mois, dans ma Volkswagon coccinelle 1995.
Nous voguons sans problème vers Quérétaro, que nous évitons grâce à l’autoroute, et allons direction sud passé SAN JUAN DEL RIO, puis nous quittons l’autoroute en direction est sur la route nationale 45 (une fois dans Hidalgo) et ensuite vers la 85.
Après avoir vu le superbe fleuve Moctezuma entouré de cacti variés, de la hauteur d’un superbe pont nous continuons notre chemin. Soudainement le paysage change totalement…. Il y a plein de nuages, de la pluie, du brouillard, et d’immenses montagnes le long desquelles serpentent la route 85 …inlassablement pendant des kilomètres et pendant au moins 3 heures.
Nous arrivons à l’embranchement de la route pour Pisaflores vers 16h30 ….et à tout hasard nous demandons avant de descendre les 18 kilomètres (de 1500 mètres à 250 mètres) vers Pisaflores s’il y avait un hôtel à Pisaflores…. OUI… alors malgré la pluie et l’heure tardive nous descendons sur un chemin pavé vers le village où nous trouvons effectivement un petit hôtel et nous prenons chacun une chambre pour $15 chacune.. un lit une douche ça suffit… Il pleut encore….
La ville a beaucoup grandit depuis 1965 quand j’y suis allé, et quand nous avons ouvert la route vers Pisaflores. En 1969 ils ont construit un imposant pont sur le fleuve Moctezuma et depuis l’électricité, le téléphone ont atteint la petite ville qui compte plusieurs pharmacies, plusieurs médecins (dont un comme maire), plusieurs camions de police (au moins trois), et plusieurs politiciens. Quand j’y suis allé il n’y avait qu’un médecin qui faisait son stage obligatoire avant de pouvoir pratiquer, aucune pharmacie et à peine un magasin général.
Il semble que l’économie soit surtout centrée sur la culture du café (et du maïs). Il y a toujours l’école primaire publique, une école secondaire, mais l’école catholique a été abandonnée (j’avais enseigné une deuxième année….puisqu’ils n’avaient aucun professeur)…. Ils ont construit une très belle et grande église catholique.
Nous avons bien dormi, mais à 6 heures du matin j’étais debout pour prendre des photos… il ne pleuvait plus. J’ai aussi acheté beaucoup de café local.
Puis à 10 heures nous étions sur le chemin du retour. A mi-chemin nous avons pris une route tout à fait différente pour nous rendre à Quérétaro…. Que de paysages et montagnes superbes nous avons pu voir une fois sortis des forêts pluvieuses et montagneuses. Nous avons vu un lac immense créé par un barrage gigantesque et traversé trois très longs tunnels à travers les montagnes…
Nous sommes arrivés à 18h30 à San Miguel. Nous avons été à une réunion aa et j’ai apporté avec moi mon sac à dos contenant mes caméras etc…. Une fois rendu chez moi vers 21 h je me suis rendu compte que je n’avais pas mon sac à dos… j’ai pensé l’avoir oublié au local de la réunion aa… aucun signe du sac dans le local… le lendemain je fais toutes sortes d’investigations, pour apprendre que le sac se trouvait, ouvert, devant le local des aa… Un couple l’a vu et devait le prendre… mais comme j’ai appris ce soir… ils l’ont laissé sur la rue ne sachant pas à qui il pouvait appartenir….
Donc je mets une annonce à la radio locale pour essayer de localiser le sac (récompense de $200)….. j’ai aussi appelé mon assurance maison et fait une réclamation… il semble que soit couvert moins $500…. Je pense avoir perdu une valeur de $4000 et surtout mes très belles photos…
Triste conclusion de voyage… mais je garde en moi les souvenir et ce fut très satisfaisant de voir ce village si perdu et lointain qui a marqué ma vie.
Denis LaRose le 23 novembre 2008

A RETURN TO PISAFLORES 43 YEARS LATER
by Denis LaRose
San Miguel de Allende, November 30th 2008
On November 21st 2008, I left from San Miguel de Allende in the state of Guanajuato in Mexico, to return to the state of Hidalgo, specifically to Pisaflores where I had been with a group of Canadian University students in the summer of 1965.
By the map I figured I could make the trip in about 4 hours with my 1995 Beattle Volkswagon. An American friend, a geologist, was accompanying me.
We drove south, towards Queretaro, passed San Juan del Rio and then headed east, first on the 45, and then on the 85 highways. Once we crossed the mighty Tula river we noticed a definite change in vegetation, from the semi desertic plateau with cacti to the rain forests with pines and lots of greenery as we got closer and closer to the Sierra Madre mountains.
By then we had driven for 4 hours --- little did we know that we still had to drive in the rain, in the fog, and in the curved road in the mountains, at 30 km an hour, for another 4 hours before we reached the road that led to Pisaflores.
Around 4:30 pm we arrived at a junction, 18 kms from Pisaflores, and asked if by any chance there was a hotel in Pisaflores—otherwise given the late hour we would have headed for the close-by CHAPULHUACAN that appeared to have a good hotel.
To our surprise, there was a hotel in Pisaflores with several rooms so we headed down the paved road all the way to the town, after crossing a bridge over the impressive Moctezuma river. The rooms were $15 (150 pesos) and had a bed, sheets, a shower and washroom and toilet paper.
Unfortunately it was raining and it was somewhat foggy but at least the weather was warmer than up above at the level of Highway 85!!!
We explored the town, noticed the many businesses, at least 3 pharmacies, a photographic store, several doctor’s offices, hardly any real restaurants. We headed for the church: a beautiful, modern church and walked along the Rio Blanco that crosses the town and bought some coffee in a shop, where the 80 yo owner remembered the Canadians, in particular a guy called JAIME (JAMES….). We bought all the coffee he had.
After a rest we returned to the town square that now had 3 police trucks and a pharmacy where the General Store used to be. We ate some beef and chicken tacos right there on the square and they were very tasty.
There were lots of happy people, kids, couples walking around. There was electricity, satellite dishes, phones.
The next morning I got up early to take some photos (I would later lose the camera and all the photos on my returning to San Miguel de Allende).
We had breakfast on the town square eating a corn dish with chicken (the corn looked like couscous) –with cinnamon flavoured coffee. It was all very tasty and neither of us were sick.
I asked the lady who was serving breakfast when they had built the bridge,,,, she figured it was completed sometime in 1969. She remembered the Canadians and Father Jesus (Zepeda), who had since passed away she said.
I bought some more coffee from Pisaflores at a different store on the other of the square.
It was time to return (9:30 am).
The visit made a strong impression on me. I recognized the street and the house where we had camped for at least 6 weeks. I have been reflecting on our role in those days. We had built a road at father Jesus’ urging with the campesinos. I had taught grade 2 at the catholic school, which was still there but not used as a school anymore. I had worked as the translator for the nurse, Pauline Proulx, in Pisaflores and in the villages around. Sometimes I could not translate as the patient would speak only an Indian language—but to make him understand that we came from very far, the patient was told that we came from Mexico City!!!
Pisaflores is a beautiful town, and its main activity seems to be the growth of coffee and corn. Its inhabitants look happy and fairly prosperous. Our road had allowed Mexico to reach Pisaflores. It has allowed the establishment of a public health clinic, a high school, health care, electricity, water treatment among other visible changes.
After driving such a long distance I figured I would not return. But I might very well do return, maybe in a less rainy season. In the end it seems that father Zepeda built the road that the government would not build. It seems now that the Hidalgo government is fulfilling its role of serving also the people of Pisaflores.
In my personal history, Pisaflores of 1965 has had a major impact. I realized that philosophy as a profession was not what I wanted to do. I kept on studying philosophy on my return to Canada, and read Marx that said: < It is not important to interpret the world, it is necessary to transform it.>
I ended up studying medicine and psychology and became a cardiologist that practised in Gatineau, Québec, for 23 years until my retirement 3 years ago. At my retirement I headed back to Mexico and settled, at least for 6 months of the year, in San Miguel de Allende.

OPINIÓN—Malecón
Atentado contra la sociedad
November 18, 2008
Pretenden intimidar el ejercicio periodístico
They hope to deter journalism.
El atentado con granadas contra el periódico El Debate, que afortunadamente no cobró víctimas, es un artero ataque a la libertad de expresión y, como lo dice José Isabel Ramos, su Director General, una intimidación al ejercicio del periodismo sinaloense.

The grenade attack aimed at the newspaper El Debate, which fortunately claimed no victims, is a direct attack on the freedom of expression and, as was stated by its chief executive officer Jose Isabel Ramos, a threat against the practise of Sinaloan journalism.
Manifestamos nuestra solidaridad con los directivos y personal de ese medio, y nuestro más enérgico reclamo a las autoridades de justicia de que se capture y castigue a los responsables.

We are in solidarity with the directors and the personnel of this publication, and we fully support their demand that justice authorities pursue and punish those who were responsible.
Comprendemos el desconcierto, el miedo, la impotencia, el agravio y el coraje contenido de los integrantes de ese medio, porque en Noroeste sufrimos un ataque similar en 1994 (si el Alzheimer no se acuerda de nosotros), cuando manos criminales y jamás castigadas arrojaron una bomba incendiaria en el área de recepción, que por suerte sólo causó daños materiales. 

We understand the confusion, the fear, the powerlessness, the disruption and the courage shared by the workers of this newspaper, because Noroeste also suffered a similar attack in 1994 (if Alzheimer’s hasn’t confused us), when criminal elements who were never punished tossed an incendiary bomb in our reception area, and which fortunately only caused physical damage.
El ataque a ese periódico es un lamentable indicador de que ninguna institución ni autoridad de gobierno pone tope a la delincuencia organizada en Sinaloa, que a cada hora avanza con mayor descaro en el terreno que pertenece a los ciudadanos, víctimas del violento despojo. 

The attack on that newspaper is a sad indicator that no institution nor government authority can put a stop to organized crime in Sinaloa, which is boldly increasingly and reaching into the private lives of citizens who are become victimized by the violent plunder.
Cuando la sociedad cree que los delincuentes ya llegaron al límite del crimen, el hampa comete una nueva y peor fechoría. 

When we think that crime could get not get worse, the underworld commits a new and even worse act.
Cuando el 8 de octubre un comando de 30 gatilleros "tomó" las instalaciones de la Secretaría de Seguridad Pública para rescatar a un detenido, se pudo haber pensado que habíamos llegado al colmo de la delincuencia. Pero no fue así, el 29 del mismo mes un grupo armado rescató un cadáver del Semefo. 

When on October 8th an attack unit of 30 shooters “stormed” the headquarters of Public Security to rescue a prisoner, it was possible to think that this criminal act was the last straw. But it wasn’t to be, on the 29th of the same month an armed group recovered a body from Semefo (forensic morgue).
Ni tampoco ahí paró el descaro, el 10 de este mes fueron "levantados" 27 jornaleros agrícolas, cuyos captores los liberaron tres días después, evidenciando la ineficacia de las autoridades, tanto en prevención como en procuración de justicia. 

And it didn’t stop there, on the 10th of this month 27 agricultural labourers were abducted only to be released 3 days later by their kidnappers, demonstrating the inefficiency of authorities, not only in terms of prevention but in their fulfillment of justice.
El domingo atentaron contra un periódico y, con ello, contra la sociedad entera, puesto que los medios son los canales de información y expresión de la comunidad; también secuestraron y liberaron al comunicador de Tv Azteca y Máxima 103.3, Nelson Amparán. Hoy no sabemos qué más se atreverá a hacer la delincuencia organizada y desatada; y mañana... 

Sunday’s attack against a newspaper and, along with it, was aimed at all of us since the media are channels of information and community expression; there was also the abduction and eventual release of Azteca television and Radio Mazima 103.3 announcer Nelson Amparán. Today, we don’t know what further threats will be coming our way to overcome us: and tomorrow…????
¿Y el Gobernador? And the Governor?
Mientras la sociedad sigue perdiendo espacios, secuestrados por la delincuencia, y el temor se extiende y profundiza, el Gobernador Jesús Aguilar Padilla y su Gabinete de (in)seguridad parecen poseer un ánimo imperturbable ante la violencia, nada los asombra, nada los conmueve, nada los indigna, nada hacen... Todo es "normal". 

And while society continues to lose ground, held captive by crime, and while fear spreads in a profound way, the Governor, Jesus Aguilar Padilla and his Cabinet of (in)security appear to have an unbroken spirit in spite of the violence, not for them the shadows, nothing shakes them, nothing makes them indignant, they do nothing… Everything is “normal”.
Ayer el Mandatario estatal no dijo "esta cara y esta boca son mías". El atentado mínimo obligaba a un comunicado público de su parte, como lo hacen los gobernantes en los estados y países donde rigen las instituciones civiles. Pero prefirió ausentarse de las actividades públicas. 

Yesterday, the State’s chief executive didn’t say “this face and this mouth are mine too” (“I share your grief?”). The attack merited only a public communiqué on his part, like the ones issued by goernors of states and countries where civil authorities govern. He chose to excuse himself from public activities.
Les dejó a sus funcionarios de seguridad y justicia el paquete explosivo, porque a él le tocan sólo los eventos positivos o bonitos, como la inauguración que encabezará hoy del edificio sede del Poder Judicial de la Federación. 

He left this explosive bombshell in the hands of his security and justice functionaries, because he only wants to talk about good and positive things, like today’s dedication of the new headquarters for Federal Judicial Power.
Los secuestradores The Kidnappers
Y a propósito del secuestro del espacio social: Ni el clima sabrosón ni el ambiente siempre festivo de Mazatlán, que relajan hasta al más tieso, propiciaron que la politóloga Denise Dresser fuera condescendiente en el análisis de los grandes problemas del País, que invitada por la Coparmex hizo el viernes en el puerto. 

And what of the proposition that our social space has been kidnapped. The festive climate of Mazatlan, which warms even the most rigid person, didn’t stop the political scientist Denise Dresser from cutting to the chafe in her analysis of the big problems of the country at a Coparmex forum last Friday in the port city.
El diagnóstico es demoledor: México está secuestrado por sus élites económicas, políticas, intelectuales, además de la violencia del narco y la apatía ciudadana. 

The interpretation is devastating: Mexico is held captive by its economic, political, and intellectual elite, in addition to narco-violence and the apathy of citizens.
Sólo que en el plagio denunciado por la analista nadie pide rescate, y tampoco hay alguna institución que investigue el caso, capture a los plagiarios y libere al secuestrado. 

Even during this plague described by this analyst there is no one is asking to be rescued, and no institution is investigate the situation, and there are no arrests the kidnappers nor release for the kidnapped.
La conclusión es poco esperanzadora, porque la periodista considera que para rescatar a la Nación es necesaria la intervención de héroes, y los ciudadanos es hora que no se deciden a ponerse la capa. 

This conclusion gives little reason for optimism, because the columnist believes that the nation will be saved only if a hero intervenes, and citizens are not demanding that someone puts on the cape.
Los rehenes The hostages
La columnista describe la atonía de los ciudadanos: 

Dresser describes the lethargy of citizens
"Un país desconcertado y cabizbajo donde nadie sabe a quién apelar, dónde acudir, en qué gobierno confiar... un lugar donde existen ciudadanos ya dispuestos a ceder libertades si consiguen seguridad a cambio". 

“A country disconcerted and downcast, where noone knows who to call, where there is help, which government to trust…a place with citizens who are ready to give up liberties if it leads to security and change”
Ese trazo de la apatía ciudadana encaja perfectamente en Sinaloa, donde la crisis de inseguridad ha provocado una dejadez social. 

This outline of citizen apathy fits Sinaloa perfectly, where the crisis of insecurity has provoked social laziness.
Las palabras de Denise deben haber retumbado en el salón donde ofreció la conferencia: "a quién apelar, dónde acudir, en qué gobierno confiar". Es exactamente el vacío de instituciones y de líderes que padece la entidad.

Denise’s words should have shaken in the room where the conference took place: “who should be called, where is there help, which government should we trust”. It’s exactly this vacuum in institutions that is afflicting our existence.
Los narcopolíticos The Narco politicians
Aunque Dresser habló en general del País, sus opiniones no son ajenas a la realidad de Sinaloa. 

Even though Dresser was speaking generally about the country, her opinions are not far from the reality of Sinaloa.
"El narcotráfico y la violencia son otros síntomas de que el sistema no funciona. Muchos critican la violencia que el narcotráfico produce, pero pocos hablan de la estructura social, política y económica que la hace posible. Ese andamiaje de políticos que protegen a narcotraficantes y narcotraficantes que financian a políticos". 

“Narcotraffic and violence are sign that the system is not working. Many criticize the violence that narcotraffic has produced, but few mention the social, political and economic structure that makes this possible. This scaffolding of politicians who protect the narcotrafficlers and the narcotraffickers who finance the politicians.
Y en este caso todos somos rabones, los vecinos que hacen fiesta y sientan al narquillo del barrio en la mesa de honor; el político que llega alto porque un capo le puso bajo los pies sendas pacotas de billetes; el malandrín que crea empresas y genera empleo con dinero manchado de sangre y tragedia; y el narco que ávido de poder decide legislar o gobernar, porque fuero y camioneta blindada lo hacen prácticamente invulnerable, intocable. 

And in this case we are all like rabid dogs, the neighbours who hold parties and seat the local narco at the table of honour; the politician who gets to the top because a capo is pushing him upwards with bales of money under his feet; the no good who creates business and creates jobs with money tainted with blood and tragedy; and the narco anxious for power who decides to create laws or govern, and behind his truck’s shaded windshield is practically invulnerable and untouchable.
Al igual que Dresser, esta casa editorial ha denunciado el peligro de la narcopolítica, colada hasta el tuétano social y gubernamental, y las advertencias de la politóloga refuerzan nuestra tesis. Parece que no somos los únicos que gritamos en el desierto, las voces de alerta empiezan a multiplicarse. 

Along with Dresser, this publishing enterprise has denounced the danger of narcopolitics, deeply engrained in our social life and government, and the warnings of this political scientist reinforce our argument. It appears that we are not the only ones who are shouting in the desert, the voices of warning are beginning and will expand.
Primero los cuates First the buddies.
Y si alguna duda había de que la triste realidad de Sinaloa no es tal como en el resto de país (y en algunos casos peor), leamos a Denise:

 If anyone doubts that the sad reality of Sinaloa is different from the rest of the country (and in some cases is worse), we should look to Denise:
"Un Estado depredador, cínico, oportunista, donde el objetivo del Gobierno no es garantizar bienes públicos, como hospitales, clínicas, escuelas, sino producir bienes privados para sus funcionarios y sus amigos". “ 

"A predatory State, cynical opportunistic, where the objective of Governance is not to bring about public good, like hospitals, clinics, schools, but is instead to generate private wealth for its functionaries and for its friends? "
Con agudo ingenio, la analista bautiza a ese sistema económico como "capitalismo de cuates". ¿A poco no describe exactamente lo que sucede en Sinaloa? 

With an piercing wit, this analysis baptized this economic system as a “capitalism de buddy-boys” Does anyone think that this isn’t what is happening in Sinaloa?
Tan cuates que algunos viven juntos en el mismo fraccionamiento privadísimo (inexpugnable hasta para el Ejército), como Corleone y su Familia en su fortaleza de Long Island. 

They are such strong buddies that they live together in the same exclusive neighbourhoods (not even penetrable by the army), just like the Corleone family stronghold of Long Island.
Tan cuates como la Generación del Centenario, cuyos integrantes gozan de chamba en el Gobierno por el mérito de haber compartido carrera con Jesús Aguilar Padilla. 

So fraternal is this Centenario Generation (the University of Sinaloa class of 1973 – the 100 year of its founding) that its members enjoy the benefits of government for simply sharing the career of Jesus Agular Padilla (the Governor).
Gallina maniada Chickens with a hanging heads
La lista de los grandes problemas de México es cerrada por la apatía de los ciudadanos, en los que paradójicamente radica la solución. 

The list of big problems for Mexico is invisible because of citizen apathy, and paradoxically the solution lies with them.
De acuerdo con Dresser, el rescate del País sólo puede ser realizado por los ciudadanos, pero se requiere que decidan dejar la apatía y transformarse en héroes:

According to Dresser, the salvation of the country can only be realized by its citizens, but this means that they have to forget their apathy and transform themselves into heroes.
"Hacen falta los héroes grandes y pequeños..., hacen falta los mexicanos que recogen la basura en lugar de tirarla, los que pagan sus impuestos en lugar de evadirlos, los que se paran en el semáforo en lugar de debatir si lo hará o no, los mexicanos que denuncien la corrupción, los que estén dispuestos a comportarse como dueños de su País y no sólo como inquilinos que lo rentan". 

“There’s a shortage of big and little heroes…there are few Mexicans who pick up the garbage instead of throwing it away, who pay their taxes instead of trying to avoid them, those who stop at the stoplight instead of always debating whether they should, Mexicans who denounce corruption, those who are wiling to become owners of their own country and not simply tenants who rent it.”
Aquí en la entidad, con sus honrosas excepciones, la inseguridad tiene a los ciudadanos tan desconcertados y pico caídos como la gallina maniada que utilizaron en sus bailes los indígenas que recién celebraron la Danza por la Tierra en la Isla de Orabá. 

Here in this place, with a few honorable exceptions, insecurity has left citizens so disheartened and crestfallen (?translation?) just like those chicken hanging heads used by the Indians who recently celebrated a Dance for the Earth on Oraba Island.
Malecón es columna institucional de esta casa editorial Malecon is a general column appearing regularly in Noroeste.
maleconcul@noroeste.com
Translation by J.CreechanV

The Mexican tourism office has started a new advertising campaign to promote
tourism from Canada. It’s frightening to think that many of the destinations
promoted are in the middle up in one of the worst waves of violence Mexico has
ever known.

There’s almost no news about Mexico in Canadian newspapers or electronic media.
Even the CBC has not covered the horrific events from the past few months.

Here’s a short overview.

• There are 3 “super-cartels” and a number of smaller criminal associations. Two of the biggest cartels are involved in bloody war of attrition. The other gangs and groups are
  “used by the two bigger cartels” to complete various tasks AND/OR the lesser groups hope to ally with one or sometimes both of the bigger sides.
• The most powerful drug cartels in Mexico (at least a 30 billion dollar per year enterprise) have been “readjusting” since August or September 2004. That’s when one of the most notorious drug lords escalated things by arranging the assassination of the youngest brother of a powerful ally AND simultaneously making a move to control the multilane
  crossings at Laredo. That border crossing, expanded to handle NAFTA traffic reaches 80% of the American drug market in the mideast and east.
• The most powerful cartel/association has been called the Federation by American intelligence sources. It is an alliance of leaders born in the state of Sinaloa and led by Joaquin “Shorty” Guzman, Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada, & Juan Jose“El Azul” Esparragoza: for many years it also developed powerful alliances with the Carrillo Fuente family that
  controlled Juarez (El Paso), and a ruthless group of hitmen (sicarios) assembled by the Beltran Leyva brothers.
• The Federation is engaged in a bloody battle with the two next-largest
  cartels: The association  located in the west (Tijuana) is directed by another family from Sinaloa — the Arrellano-Felix clan. The roots of this “turf war” go back to
  at least the 1990’s and the break-up of the Guadalajara cartel, and has
  elements of a family blood-feud between the members of the Federation.
  The roots of the quarrel lay in “turf” battles for control  of the American Pacific Coast (California) market. The Arrellano-Felix family refused to “share” turf with the young “Shorty” Guzman after a top-level council meeting in Acapulco had “divided” up the country upon the orders of Miguel Angel “El Padrino” Felix Gallardo. Eventually, the Federation — led by Shorty Guzman— struck back at the Tijuana based
  Arrellano-Felix brothers by invading the turf and the feud has been
  simmering since then.


• The
  biggest wars that the Federation currently has are with the Gulf Cartel.
  It is primarily located in the northeast (Matamoros-Brownsville), and it
  became very strong at the end of the 1990’s under the direction of a man
  called “Killer of Friends-MataAmigos” —Osiel Cardenas-Guillen. The
  Federation, following the initiative of Shorty Guzman decided to move in
  on the turf on either side of Laredo/Nuevo Laredo border region (more
  than 8,000 trucks pass through here each day). It started a bloody “turf
  war” with Cardenas-Guillen, and he responded by recruiting at least 30
  army deserters from an elite Mexican Anti-Terrorism task force. This
  group, now led by “El Lazca” Lazcano and Eduardo “El Cos” Costilla
  Sanchez began a war that escalated in degrees of brutality and bloodshed.
  The Sinaloa based Federation responded by creating its own paramilitary
  force headed by Alfredo “El Mochomo” (A
  ferocious ant) Beltran-Leyva: El Mochomo recruited, trained and
  equipped at least two different gangs of killers counteract the
  Zetas— including one called “los pelones” - translated close to the idea of skinheads. The initial
  battleground was Laredo and Nuevo Laredo — many of the hitmen were
  American born. In fact, Osiel Cardenas Guillen was eventually arrested in
  a high profile capture and extraditited to the US because a case can be
  made that he is American.




• A number of smaller violent
  organizations have come into play in the current bloodshed. Some are
  looking for work with either of the larger cartels (primarily as
  assassins). The Gulf cartel started this “recruitment trend” by seeking
  out the Mexican army deserters (GAFES) trained in counter-terrorism
  techniques (at the school of the Americas) and who had access to powerful
  weaponry. What they didn’t have, Osiel Cardenas Guillen had obtained for
  them from the US and from Europe. There is evidence that an elite force of
  military from Guatemala— los
  Kaibiles have also been recruited and are fighting along side the
  Zetas. Other cartels, primarily the Federation, formed counter-defensive
  “mercenary armies” and heavily recruited from among the heavily tatooed
  Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and other street gangs in the south. Some
  “independent” gangs emerged such as “La Familia” and these appear to be
  aligning with the Gulf-Zetas— but this isn’t clear. La Familia has
  also migrated to some cities in central Mexico and have begun their own
  recruiting campaign; there are suggestions that they sense a power vacuum
  and are hoping to take over. In a way, this group seems to play a role
  much like the Hell’s Angels.


• The main prize at stake in
  the current wave of violence and bloody dispute are the control shipping
  routes into the lucrative US drug market, especially those at Laredo. But
  the battle has also moved to other parts of Mexico where drugs are
  “collected” and “produced”. Another part of the turf war focuses on
  “manufactured” drugs such as crystal meth, ecstasy etc. After the US
  cracked down on crystal meth labs in the US, and the drug lords in Mexico
  formed alliances with other groups such as the Amezcua Contreras family
  who had been producing them in central Mexico. But after the US closed
  down many labs with its borders, the level of production in Mexico jumped
  geometrically. The States of Michoacan, Guerrero, Vera Cruz, Yucatan and
  Coahuila are particularly vulnerable because they are both centres of
  synthetic drug production AND important cross-roads for the transit of
  cocaine through Mexico. Mexico is the principle “trampoline” for Colombian
  cocaine, and as much as 90% of all cocaine in the US has passed through
  Mexico moved by the cartels in Mexico.  And shipments of precursor
  drugs from China (and supplied by the Triads) have made the manufacture of
  drugs relatively easy and profitable — and made several states
  important battleground in the drug war (Michoacan and Guerrero in
  particular)


• President Felipe Calderon responded
  to an increase in violence by deploying the army to fight the drug wars
  (the army can only be used to “eradicate” crops according to the Mexican
  Constitution). This use of the army is recognized by most people as a
  major miscalculation and unleashed an even bloodier reaction from the
  cartels. Calderon also appointed army-generals to manage “homeland
  security” and lead the attorney-general office. These men relied on only a
  military strategy for fighting the battle against drugs, and the result
  was a bloody increase in violence. For instance, the federal forces made a
  high publicity arrest in Culiacan of Alfredo “El Mochomo”
   Beltran-Leyva. Prior to his arrest, he walked about the streets with
  impunity and was an untouchable. After the arrest, his older brother,
  Arturo Beltran Leyva claimed that El Mochomo had been set up and was a
  “chivo expiatorio/sacrificial lamb”. In particular, he blamed Shorty
  Guzman for “offering up his brother” in return for immunity and freedom to
  carry on untouched. Beltran-Leyva made a public and bloody break with his
  former allies in the Federation by killing 9 policemen in one day—
  all of whom he believed were involved the “conspiracy to protect” Guzman.
  Then Arturo arranged to kill the number 3 man (Edgar Millan) in the Federal
  Justice department by executing him in his home, and also contracted with
  a criminal gang in Mexico city to plant a bomb in the Justice Department
  headquarters (the bomb exploded prematurely in downtown Mexico city). The
  Beltran-Leyvas have since formed an alliance (of sorts) with the
  paramilitary Zetas and have been executing their mutual enemies; their
  trade-mark is “beheading”. The Federation has beena fighting back and has
  recruited a new generation of hitmen and has supplied them with heavy armaments—
  far more powerful than anything that the Mexican army or local police
  possess. Most of these armaments are smuggled from the US.


• A number of smaller, but very
  dangerous gangs have made attempts to ally themselves with one and
  sometimes both of the major cartels  (i.e. With either/or the
  Federation or the Gulf). The two most notorious gangs are the Mara
  Salvatrucha in the south of Mexico (and with Los Angeles ties) and another
  gang called “La Famila” in the centre of the country. These gangs are the
  street-thugs and low level operatives. The most violent gang at the moment
  seem to be “La Familia” who have apparently sensed an opportunity to move
  into some of the larger cities and establish their presence. All of these
  gangs, La Familia, Los Zetas, Los Pelones are actively recruiting young
  and unemployed men for the wars. There is some evidence that recruitment
  in “mercenary magazines” is taking place.


• On a different level, there
  is also some evidence that the cartels in Mexico are strengthening their
  international connections to other mafias. Today, the DEA announced the
  arrest of 175 men who were working closely with the Sicilian N’Drangheta (
  http://www.usdoj.gov/dea/pubs/pressrel/pr091708p.html).
  Shorty Guzman has worked with Chinese triads (a man named Ye Gong was
  connected to him and was arrested in the US), and Guzman has apparently
  developed strong connections to synthetic drug manufacturers in Argentina;
  last month, three high profile businessmen with shady backgrounds and
  links to Guzman were murdered; they have also been connected to the
  President and former president (the Kirschners)

These stories and events are not reported are relatively unknown outside of a
few border areas in the US (El Paso, Laredo). And there are clear indications
that things will get worse before they get better. At the end of August, 12
decapitated bodies were discovered in the Yucatan (and the gruesome videos
posted to MiVid.com). On Monday night the 15th, during the traditional Mexican
Independence “grito”, fragment
grenades were tossed into the festive. Seven innocent people were killed and at
least 130 seriously injured. That happened in Morelia, Michoacan, the home-town
of President Calderon and the first State where he sent the army to control
drug crime. The grenade incident has been linked to narco-traffic. It’s alleged
that La Familia carried out the act — although this is still
unconfirmed— and La Familia members are blaming the Zetas.



The attached document is a time-line analysis from El Universal (Sept. 18) that
describes the patterns of escalating violence.

Atentados en Morelia: Los narcos tope otro límite

Explosions in Morelia: the narcos break another barrier

Alejandro Jiménez

El Universal.com,
September 18, 2008

La saña en las ejecuciones perpetradas por grupos de narcotraficantes es ascendente y no parece tener límite.	The brutality of executions by narcotrafickers is rising and appears to have no limits.
En menos de siete años, se pasó de ejecuciones callejeras a plena luz del día —lo que parecía inconcebible— a la costumbre de ver cadáveres encobijados; de ahí, se pasó a las videoejecuciones y a las decapitaciones. El lunes se llegó ya al atentado con granadas contra personas inocentes en una reunión pública y multitudinaria.	In less than seven years, they’ve gone from murdering people in broad daylight — something inconceivable at that time — to routinely of dumping bodies wrapped in blankets; and from they’ve moved on to video-executions and decapitations. And on Monday they exploded grenades among a large crowd of innocent people.
Su fin era intimidar a grupos rivales, atemorizar a la población civil y mandar mensajes de su poderío a los tres niveles de gobierno.	The intent was to intimidate rival groups, terrorize civil society and send a message of narco power to the three levels of government.
La tendencia comenzó a finales de la década de los 90, con ejecuciones callejeras de mandos policiales en el norte del país, que escandalizaron a la opinión pública.	The trend began at the end of 1990’s, when street executions of police in the north of the country scandalized public opinion.
Después siguieron los múltiples casos de personas encajueladas en autos. Se siguió con el encobijamiento de cadáveres. Las víctimas eran, por lo general, miembros de cárteles rivales.	Afterwards they followed up by executing several people and leaving them in car trunks. Dumping “shrouded” bodies came next. Victims, for the most part, were rival cartel members.
En 2001, la suma de ejecuciones ligadas al crimen organizado fue de mil 800. Para 2004, el número ascendió a mil 304. Fue entonces que la violencia y saña se volvieron imparables.	In 2001, the number of executions linked to organized crime were3 1,800. By 2004, the number had risen to 1,304 (sic). It was then that the violence and brutality became unstoppable.
El 1 de diciembre de 2005, la delincuencia cruzó sus propios límites de violencia mediante las videoejecuciones. Ese día, el periódico The Dallas Morning News difundió en su portal un video, en el que se veía la ejecución de cuatro integrantes de Los Zetas, torturados y asesinados ante las cámaras.	By December 1, 2005, crime exceeded its own boundaries of violence with the video-executions. That day, the Dallas Morning News published a video on its website showing the execution of 4 members of Los Zetas, tortured and assassinated in front of cameras.
En 2006 se rompió otra marca: aparecieron las cabezas de dos policías municipales clavadas frente a la representación de la Secretaría de Finanzas.	In 2006 the broke another barrier: the heads of 2 municipal police nailed in front of an office of the Secretary of Finance.
Puesto el ejemplo de las decapitaciones, La Familia de Michoacán arrojó cinco cabezas dentro de un bar de Uruapan, en septiembre de 2006. Desde entonces no han dejado de aparecer cuerpos mutilados.	It unleashed more decapitations, “The Family of Michoacan” rolled 5 heads into a bar in Uruapan in September 2006. Since then, there’s been no end to the appearance of mutilated bodies.
El peor de los videos fue uno llamado “Haz patria, mata a un zeta”, difundido en YouTube durante los primeros días de abril de 2007, en el que se ve la decapitación, con un alambre, de otro presunto integrante de Los Zetas.	The worst of the videos was one called “Save the country, kill a zeta”, uploaded to YouTube during the first days of April 2007. It showed the decapitation with barbed wire of an alleged member of Los Zetas.
En 2008 se han rebasado nuevos límites. El 16 de agosto, en Chihuahua, un comando del cártel de Juárez acribilló a 14 personas — entre ellas un bebé—. Sin más, entraron a masacrar a todos los presentes en un bautizo.	In 2008 they had sunk to new lows. On the 16th of August, in Chihuahua, a leader of the Juarez Cartel gunned down 14 people — including a baby. Even worse, they invaded and killed them all during a baptism.
El 28 de agosto fueron hallados una docena de cuerpos decapitados en Yucatán.	On the 28th of August, a dozen decapitated heads were found in the Yucatan.
El viernes pasado fueron halladas en La Marquesa los cadáveres de 24 personas.	Last Friday, the remains of 24 people were discovered in La Marquesa.
El lunes pasado, dos granadas de fragmentación fueron arrojadas en Morelia, durante la ceremonia del grito de Independencia, con saldo de siete personas muertas y 132 de heridos. Ya no sólo se atentó contra elementos de bandas rivales, sino contra la población civil. Rompieron un límite más.	And last Monday, 2 fragmenting grenades were tossed in Morelia during the Independence Day “Call to Freedom” and seven people were left dead and 132 wouned. Now, they’re not only blowing up members of rival bands, but they’re attacking ordinary people. They’ve broken another barrier.
En lo que va del año se han registrado 3 mil 227 ejecuciones, cuando aún faltan tres meses y medio para que termine 2008.	So far this year there have been 3, 227 executions recorded, and there are still 3 ½ months left in the year.

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