Monday, August 10, 2009

Malverde: the Origin of this Cult

from Proceso.com.mx 9 de agosto de 2009
Impreso 1710 | reportajes

Malverde: el origen del culto

NIZA RIVERA
Relacionado como el santo de los narcos, Malverde es en la actualidad una figura venerada "mucho antes de que existiera la prohibición de drogas en el país", dice el investigador Luis Astorga Almanzá, cuya línea de trabajo es la sociohistoria del narcotráfico en México.
Although he’s thought of as a narco-saint, in reality Malverde was revered “long before the existence of drug prohibition in Mexico” says researcher Luis Astorga Almanzá, who has studied the sociohistory of narcotraffic in Mexico for many years.

"Se está estigmatizando a una gran cantidad de gente que cree en Malverde y que nada tiene qué ver con el tráfico de drogas. La historia precede a la prohibición de las drogas, era un bandido social en la época del porfiriato cuando no estaban prohibidas algunas plantas que ahora lo están y cuyo comercio era legal", según explica y se puede apreciar mejor en su estudio El siglo de las drogas: El narcotráfico, del porfiriato al nuevo milenio (2005).
“A large group of Malverde worshippers are stigmatized even though they have nothing to do with drug traffic. The history of this worship antedates drug prohibition, and refers to a social bandit during the Pofiriato dictatorship at a time when drugs that are now illegal were not prohibited commerce”, an argument more fully elaborated in his study “The Century of Drugs: Narcotraffic from the Porfiriato to the New Millenium” (2005)
"Lo que hizo más visible la creencia de Malverde fue el poder económico y la ostentación de los traficantes que creen en él, de ahí que medios de comunicación lo hayan calificado de 'narco-santo', pero no toman en cuenta las creencias de gente que nada tiene que ver con el tráfico de drogas, sino con la creencia que se desarrolla de figuras fuera de la Iglesia católica que son veneradas por gente, generalmente de estrato humilde, que le atribuye una serie de milagros.”
“What made the Malverde worship visible was economic power and the blatan observations of traffickers who believed in him, and later by a media effect that validated him as a “narco-saint”. Unfortunately, this doesn’t take into account the belief of people who have nothing to do with drugs, nor the common practice of worshiping figures not acknowledged by the Catholic Church, especially when it involves people in humble circumstances who have attributed miracles to those figures.”
Investigador del Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), doctorado en sociología por la Universidad de París I y coordinador de la cátedra UNESCO, Transformaciones económicas y sociales relacionadas con el problema internacional, Astorga, de origen sinaloense, realizó uno de sus primeras publicaciones sobre Malverde en Mitología del narcotraficante en México (1995).
Researcher at the Institute of Social Investigation at the Autonomous University of Mexico, with a doctorate in sociology from the University of Paris, and currently coordinator of the UNESCO division “Economic and Social Transformations linked to International problems, Astorga was born in Sinaloa, and first wrote about Malverde in 1995 in “The Mythology of the Narcotrafficker in Mexico”
"En términos sociológicos, relacionar a Malverde sólo con el narcotráfico es privilegiar una parte del fenómeno, la más visible o la más espectacular, la que llama más la atención.”
In sociological terms, to link Malverde only to narcotraffic is to recognize only one part of the phenomenon — the most visible or the most spectacular— that which brings the most attention!”
Jesús Juárez Mazzo, un bandido generoso -como Chucho El Roto-, que robaba a los ricos y cuyo botín repartía a los pobres en la época del porfiriato, según se cuenta, y cuya fecha de muerte se acepta como el 3 de mayo de 1909, día de su fiesta, es descrito así por la investigadora y crítica de arte Ida Rodríguez Prampolini, El culto a Jesús Malverde, editado por Contrapunto en Veracruz:
The history of Jesus Juarez Mazzo, a benevolent bandit — like that of Chucho El Roto—who robbed from the rich and gave to the poor during the Porfiriato period, and whose feast day is the day of his death on May 3rd, 1909 is elaborated more completely by researcher and art critic Ida Rodriguez Prampolini in her book “the Cult of Jesus Malverde” (published by Contrapunto in Veracruz)”
"La leyenda dice que después de muerto su cuerpo permaneció colgado en un mezquite por órdenes del gobernador, y para escarmiento de sus seguidores no debería dársele sepultura. Nadie se atrevía a bajarlo, hasta que un arriero que pasó por el lugar lo hizo, cubriendo los restos con piedras, no sin antes pedir a su espíritu que le ayudara a encontrar una mula cargada de oro que tenía perdida, la encontró y comenzó a difundir el culto de Malverde milagroso."
“Legend says that after his death, his body was hung in a mesquite tree by order of the governor, and he was forbidden burial as a warning to Malverde’s followers. No one dared to take the body down until a passing mule-skinner did so, and covered his remains with rocks, but not before asking Malverde’s spirit to find a missing mule that was loaded with gold. The mule was recovered, and the cult of a miraculous Malverde began to spread.
Ahí mismo se explica que el nombre de "Malverde" no está bien fundamentado, algunos dicen que era porque robaba envuelto en hojas de plátano para perderse entre la naturaleza tropical de la zona; otros más hacen referencia a las supersticiones del lugar, pues al diablo le llaman el "verde", es decir, un mal diablo. O quizá la más acertada en referencia a la hoja de mariguana como "el mal verde".
The same author explains that the origin of Malverde’s name is not well documented, and some say that it came from a practice of disguising himself with banana leaves to elude capture amongst the natural vegetation of the region; others make reference to the superstitions of the place, and the devil was called “the green one” — the bad devil. Or perhaps, it is a reference to the marijuana leaf which was called the “bad green”.
Astorga explica que la creencia común de esta figura se desarrolló porque la mayoría de los traficantes de clases populares lo adoptaron por medio de familiares y generaciones anteriores que compartían la creencia, independientemente del trabajo al que se dedicaban.
Astorga explains that common worship of this figure evolved when a majority of traffickers from popular (lower) classes adopted it through their contact with relatives and earlier generations who had shared the belief, independently of the work they did.
"La gente que lo asocia únicamente con eso (tráfico de drogas) está perdiendo de vista la característica antropológica y la dimensión histórica, que es importante para entender el porqué de la persistencia de la creencia."
People who link this belief only to drug traffic miss the broader anthropological characteristics and historical aspects playing a major part in the persistence of this worship.
La figura completa del santo porta un sombrero, una escuadra colgada en el cuello y una faja de dinero que le sale de los bolsos, y su rostro es una mezcla de Pedro Infante y Jorge Negrete.
A complete image of this saint wears a hat, has a bandana around his neck, and a stack of bills stuffed in his pockets; and his face is a blending of those matinee and musical idols Pedro Infante and Jorge Negrete.
El personaje fue llevado al teatro en Sinaloa y recorrió con éxito varios estados del país, obra célebre del dramaturgo sinaloense Óscar Liera (1946-1990), titulada El jinete de la Divina Providencia, basada precisamente en la leyenda urbana del santo y publicada en 2008 por el Fondo de Cultura Económica (FCE) en Teatro Escogido, Óscar Liera.
The figure of Malverde was brought to the stage in Sinaloa and had a long successful run in several Mexican states, through a play called “The Horseman of Divine Providence” by Sinaloan playwrite Oscar Liera (1946-1990), and which included the urban legends of this saint. The play was also published and distributed in 2008 by the Fondo de Cultura Economica (FCE).

En referencia a la comercialización de imágenes o figuras alusivas al mundo del narco, Astorga dice que "vivimos en una sociedad capitalista, una sociedad de consumo en la que todo es comerciable, no habría por qué ser distinto a otros países, a menos que existieran alguna serie de impedimentos, pero aquí no es posible".
With respect to the commercialization of Malverde’s image and other allusions to the narco world, Astorga says that “we live in a capitalist society just like other countries, and we’re a consumer society where everything is for sale unless roadblocks are put in the way, and that isn’t possible here”
El investigador explica que es erróneo referirse con conceptos académicos al respecto, pues en su opinión son etiquetas mediáticas que construyen un lenguaje especial:
This social researcher explains that it would be a mistake to try to interpret with academic concepts, because in his opinion these ideas are media labels that fit it into their special language.
"No hay mucha imaginación al respecto, con el prefijo de 'narco' se hace referencia a la visión de lo que los medios piensan es el mundo del narcotraficante, pero no hay nada más."
“It’s not very imaginative in that respect, since the prefix “narco” is added to whatever the media wants to link to the narcotraffic world, but it remains little more than a label”
Comenta que la creencia en Malverde, en la Santa Muerte, y en otros santos también asociados al mundo de la delincuencia, dependen del "origen y trayectoria social, del capital cultural y, por supuesto, de la jerarquía que tienen al respecto; en el mundo de los traficantes, mientras más alta es la jerarquía más se acercan a la de los santos oficiales. Los santos o figuras religiosas en las que creen, mientras más alto nivel tienen en el negocio, se van acercando más a la sociedad legal".
He added that belief in Malverde, in Holy Death, and other saints linked to the world of crime, comes from an “origin and social trajectory, from cultural capital, and certainly sits within an established hierarchy of importance; and in the drug-trafficking world, the worship of “official saints” is more important. Even so, saints or religious figures fall further down the scale of importance than does business, and in that respect narcotraffickers share a great deal with a legal society”.
Astorga Almanzá también es miembro del Sistema Nacional de Investigadores y de la Academia Mexicana de Ciencias. Entre sus publicaciones destacan: Drogas sin fronteras (2003) y Seguridad, traficantes y militares (2007), además de diversos artículos en revistas científicas. En abril de 2008, se realizó en Sinaloa el Foro Internacional sobre Drogas Ilícitas, donde participó con una conferencia magistral en referencia a este último libro.
Luis Astorga Almanzá is also a member of the National System of Researchers and of the Mexican Academy of Science. Several of his pubications are widely recognized for their excellence: “Drugs without Borders” (2003) and “Security, traffickers and the military” (2007) and he has also published many studied in distinguished articles in academic journals. In April of 2008, he participated in the International Forum Examining Illegal Drugs, where he was a keynote speaker on themes described in his 2007 book.
Acerca de la Sesión Especial de la Asamblea General de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (UNGASS) sobre drogas, mediante el Segmento de Alto Nivel de la Comisión de Estupefacientes, donde se discutirán las políticas de control de drogas, según destaca su página web, el investigador comenta:
In speaking about the Special Session of the General United Nations Assembly over drugs, he is chair of a section of the High Commission on Narcotics, where politics of drug control are considered. On his web page, Astorga says:
"Yo creo que aquí se van a plantear varias tendencias sobre drogas y democracia, una posición que pretende tomar medidas adoptadas por países europeos en equilibrar la política con una visión preventiva; por ejemplo, al descriminalizar el consumo de drogas, como la mariguana, hasta cierto tipo de consumo."
“I believe that this is where we can lay a groundwork for examining several trends relating to drugs and democracy, a place that can take into account many measures adopted by European countries to balance politics with their preventive vision; for example, that of decriminalizing consumption of some drugs, for instance marijuana, under some cirumstances”
En referencia a si se pronuncia a favor o en contra de la legalización de esta planta, dice: "Ese tipo de planteamientos son los que están en debate, no tiene sentido decir si estoy a favor o en contra, lo interesante es ver el estado de la discusión y lo que se plantea en los foros internacionales. Eso tiene que ver con la política de salud y un cambio en la percepción de los consumidores de drogas y los grandes traficantes que utilizan la violencia y se confrontan con el Estado."
With respect to whether or not he favours or is opposed to legalization of marijuana, he says: “Those types of proposals are on the table, and I’m not inclined to say whether I personally favour or oppose them; the most important and interesting thing is to get State get involved in a debate and to see what emerges from the international forums. This ought to be about the politics of health and a changing perceptions of drug consumers and the large traffickers using violence to confront the state.”
Translated by J. Creechan
For more information about Malverde in English, see Creechan, James H., and Jorge de la Herran-Garcia. 2005. "Without God or Law: Narcoculture and belief in Jesús Malverde." Religious Studies and Theology 24:53.

Thursday, August 06, 2009

Hedging Bets Against the Swine Flu

The chapel of Jesus Malverde, commonly known as the patron saint of narcotraffickers, sits across from Sinaloa State's Government Centre. The State, like all others in Mexico is planning strategy and creating policies that will minimize the impact of a predicted H1N1 pandemic. As everyone knows, most influenza outbreaks are unusual outside of the winter season — but on a day when the temperature hit 47.5 Celsius in Culiacán there were reports that at least 5,000 people had been diagnosed with an infection of the H1N1. virus.

Malverde faithful are known to hedge their bets and the prayers to this putative saint are cross-referenced to recognized saints and Catholic figures such as the Virgen of Guadalupe, San Judeo de Tadeo (figure in background is San Judeo) and others. But this picture of a visitor to the chapel seems to indicate that it might also be wise to put some faith in science and hygiene.
A report about the swine flu and the picture is from Rio Doce, a weekly periodical in Sinaloa.

Tuesday, August 04, 2009

Politics and the Catholic Mass

Tales of 2 Countries:
and profane sacraments.

I'm certain that most Canadians read about the recent controversy involving a report about Stephen Harper and the "alleged pocketing" of Holy Communion during the funeral mass for the Right Honourable former Governor General Romeo LeBlanc. It had serious consequences for the New Brunswick newspaper St. John Telegraph-Journal—including the resignation of a scion of the powerful Irving family clan from the newspaper and an extremely rare front-page apology to the Prime Minister. (picture above from Milenio.com )

Meanwhile, in Mexico, the Mexican SSP working hand in hand with the American DEA raided a Michoacan church during Mass and held everyone at gunpoint. The action is being defended by the government and it has advanced arguments that there was special protection or tradition limits the use of such force. It did lead to 33 arrests, including that of a big fish nicknamed "La Troca" (Truck) who allegedly is the capo in charge of the largest export of synthetic drugs to the United States.

Here's an English language report of what happened last Saturday evening (August 1, 2009) during a mass to celebrate "la quinceañera" of a parishioner's family in the state of Michoacán Mexico. The federal security forces were looking for leaders of one of the 8 cartels currently involved in a bloody battle with the government and with each other. La Familia de Michoacan is a very strange group of drug dealers who specialize in supplying amphetamines and other synthetic drugs like crystal to the United States and to the Federal District. Their leaders have a messianic "bent" and have distributed documents that are treated like "revelations from god". The group became prominent and burst onto the scene when it threw 5 decapitated heads into a bar in Morelia two years ago.

Two weeks ago, it unleashed a wave of terror across Michoacan after one of its chief leaders ("la Tuta") was arrested. They targeted police and executed 16 in a few days, including 12 at one time. Their bodies were dumped in a pile beside a major highway in the State.

http://www.catholicreview.org/subpages/storyworldnew-new.aspx?action=6646

Mexican bishops criticize federal police for drug raid during Mass


By David Agren
Catholic News Service

MEXICO CITY – The Mexican Catholic bishops’ conference has criticized federal police for bursting into a Mass in Mexico’s western Michoacan state to apprehend an alleged drug-cartel lieutenant.

“We make an energetic protest against the lack of respect and the violence exercised on the part of the forces responsible for guaranteeing the security of all persons in our nation - principally in the state of Michoacan - by interrupting a religious act ... at the moment in which holy Mass is celebrated,” the bishops said in an Aug. 3 statement signed by Auxiliary Bishop Jose Gonzalez Gonzalez of Guadalajara, conference secretary-general.

“Nothing explains this kind of action inside a religious place and much less in these moments where Mexico is noted internationally as an insecure and violent country,” the bishops said.

The Aug. 1 raid marked the first time that police officers have burst into a parish to arrest suspects linked to organized crime, said Father Mateo Calvillo Paz, spokesman for the Archdiocese of Morelia, which is in Michoacan.

The raid also highlighted the increasing vulnerability of church officials and the faithful of being caught up - inadvertently or not - in the ongoing federal crackdown on drug cartels.

The raid continued a high-profile crackdown on a cartel known as La Familia Michoacana in President Felipe Calderon’s home state, where some 5,500 federal police and soldiers have been dispatched to fight organized crime. By the end of July, violence from organized crime had claimed more than 250 lives in Michoacan and more than 3,500 lives nationwide, according to the newspaper Reforma.

Mexico’s Secretariat of Public Security announced Aug. 3 that federal police officers arrested 33 alleged La Familia members in the raid. The detainees include Miguel Beraza Villa - known as “La Troca” (the Truck) - a cartel lieutenant that Mexican and U.S. authorities allege was responsible for transporting tractor-trailers full of synthetic drugs such as “ice” and “crystal” from the cartel’s clandestine laboratories to the United States via Tijuana, Mexico.

Federal police, arriving in armored vehicles and accompanied by two Black Hawk helicopters, raided Our Lady of Perpetual Help Parish in Apatzingan Aug. 1, interrupting a Mass being celebrated in advance of a quinceanera. Local media reported that an estimated 250 attendees and the priest - identified as Father Vicente Soto by the Michoacan news agency Quadratin - were held in the parish for six hours.

Media photos of the parish showed dislodged furniture and other minor damage to property. Attempts to reach Father Soto through the Diocese of Apatzingan were unsuccessful.

The Secretariat of Public Security said $13,000, 11 luxury vehicles, two assault rifles, 13 fragment grenades and 30 cellular phones were seized. It is uncertain whether any of the weapons were seized inside the parish. Attempts to reach a public security spokesman were unsuccessful.

Father Calvillo said police “took advantage of the Mass to assault a large number of ‘narcos’“ and avoid bloodshed, but showed ignorance of the importance of the Mass.

Mexico’s bishops, he added, “have rejected all types of protection or calls for arming themselves. It would be a false testimony.”

The threat to the well-being of prelates due to the increase in organized crime violence has been the source of some disagreement within the church. Father Hugo Valdemar, spokesman for the Archdiocese of Mexico City, told reporters in July that three bishops in Michoacan had been threatened, but both Father Calvillo and a spokesman for the Diocese of Tacambaro told Catholic News Service that the statement was false.

Both the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City and the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency lauded the Aug. 1 arrests as key accomplishments in Calderon’s battle against organized crime.

Security expert Pedro Isnardo de la Cruz of the National Autonomous University of Mexico said La Familia has shown a surprising resilience that “reflects poorly” on the president’s war on organized crime, has demonstrated a “great ability to corrupt” local governments, and also appears to be receiving financing from unknown sources beyond Mexico.


Aug 4, 2009